Introduction to Empirical research on non-evidence beliefs over anti-vaccination
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Introduction
Vaccines have had an increasing effect on people's health in the world for a long period. Down in Australia, the government introduced the “no jab, no pay” economic policy to detract anti-vaccine movements from ‘confusing’ the public (McCutcheon, 2015).Under this law, children who are not immunized, are denied childcare not unless their parents do declare philosophical, religious, medical or personal objections (Medew 2015). Evidently, in the New South Wales state, only about 50% of citizens receive vaccines for their children. Evidently this is the lowest level in Australia and is compared to South Sudan (McCutcheon, 2015).There are various researches that have come up to explain how conspiracy, paranormal, and spirituality are related to anti-vaccination, but it is clear that none of them was bold enough to explain why. For instance, in line with conspiracy theory, Kata (2010) states of how 75% of the websites she researched on made claims of cover up, where regulatory bodies had information about vaccines they were from the public. Orac (2014) states of how conspiracy in the Muslim world made people into believing polio vaccines were evil plans by the Western nations to sterilize Muslim youth and reduce them in number. In the same sense, 50% of websites stated of how the government purportedly protects vaccine manufacturers and doctors from possible harms caused by vaccines (Tuteur, 2011). Other researchers have tried to elaborate on how spirituality and paranormal is in essence in line with anti-vaccination campaigns by creating perceptions of reality and empowerment unlike conspiracy (Daum&Weibe 2010). Despite a wealth of research on the way anti-vaccination is predicted by paranormal, spiritualism and conspiracy, none has been bold enough to identify the underlying reasons behind these claims. The positional worldview has been the reason behind paternal attitudes over vaccines. The internet as explained by Kata (2010) is largely the media platform used for the spread of this ideological concept. It is important to identify that, growing plethora of anti-vaccine websites exist at a time where millions of people are using the internet as a means to obtain medical information (Behrmann, 2010). Further, anti-vaccine proponents vocalize a minority of justifiable criticisms alongside a majority of manipulative information(Behrmann, 2010).For instance, criticism focus on ethical matters to do with imposed vaccination and loss of civil liberties as opposed to vaccine risks in the absence of infection (Behrmann, 2010). This paper, therefore, serves to explore the relationship between these constructs and the anti-vaccination campaigns while at the same time stating the underlying worldview fact beneath these claims.
1.1 Relationship between anti-vaccination and conspiracy
Conspiracy theories are meant to explain some form of truth about a phenomenon that was concealed from the public by a high authoritative force that had an interest in it. According to Sunstein Vermeule (2008, p.4) for a conspiracy to be accounted for, it has to have an effort to explain some event or practice by reference to the machinations of powerful people. Generally, worldview refers to a set of interrelated assumptions about the nature of the world (Overton, 1991), that act as an interpretive lens for understanding reality and existence (Miller and Wet, 1993). Precisely, conspiracist worldview is characterized by high order beliefs (mistrust of authority, the conviction that nothing is the way it seems and Lies). Therefore, focus on rejection of official accounts is more important than the individual conspiracy theories themselves. (Dagnall et al. 2015)
Further, with the advent of the internet, parents who at one time were exposed to conspiracy material supporting ant-vaccine, show less intention of vaccinating their children than those who have not (Jolley and Douglas, 2014). In that, anti-vaccination websites are seen to influence public perceptions towards vaccination (Behrmann, 2010). Further, the media (radio, television and internet) reports have developed anti-vaccine stance to the political left largely basing it spokespersons’ political leanings. But as people prove or disapprove events in terms of conspiracy theory, it remains to be seen what relationship does exist between anti-vaccination and conspiracy (Kasarda ,2013); Weber ,2010).
Other studies have in effect showed that as individuals tend to believe in one conspiracy theory the likelihood that they will believe in another are very high (Goertzel, 1994). Further, this probability affects them when varied in terms of correlated anomia, lack of interpersonal reliance and insecurity about employment. Moreover, studies have shown that the conviction on a conspiracy theory is much associated with existential danger and ambiguity (Newheister et al. (2011); Van Prooijen&Jostmann 2013; Whiston&Galinsky (2008). In The United States, for example, Hispanics and Blacks are much willing to accept conspiracy over a subject matter just as the youths do acknowledge the same (Goertzel, 1994). Also, other studies have indicated that the presence of motivational and communal issues have had a strong approval of the theory (Douglass & Sutton 2011); Kramer (1998). In other researches, anti-vaccination campaigns have largely been as a result of dissemination and ‘sensationalization’ of vaccine objections by the media (Kata, 2010).
In light of this there is no doubt that world ‘conspiracists’ have largely predicted anti-vaccination movements through their use of the internet. They have helped to shape opinions of parents through the creation of fearful beliefs that are never proven. The fear they exert to parents makes these people be prone to doubt over the use of scientifically proven vaccines. But even as they do this, evidence points out to 1970s eradication of smallpox by inoculation measures which had been categorically disapproved by early days scientists like Wallace (Behrmann, 2010). All these findings seem to converge at a given underling factor (peoples’ broader worldview of believing in non-evidence based beliefs) that may be the cause of anti-vaccination.
1.2
The debate surrounding vaccine administration and spiritualism is valid and widely spreading across the globe. Modern vaccines are depicted to save lives, but worries surrounding its administration need to be accounted for seriously (Weber 2010, p.667). According to Kata (2010), about 25% of the websites she researched on had a strong religious and controversial spiritual opinion over vaccines. For instance, some believed that being created in God’s image means receiving total God’s immunity. Also, the belief in having some form of supernatural control makes believers have some form of empowerment and fulfillment over non-believers across the world (O’shea 2001; Heimer 2014; Weber 2010). Leach and Fairhead (2007), forcefully demonstrate that vaccine delivery systems must in all essence suit social, cultural, political and metaphysical realities of all in the world. Paternalistic and coercive attitudes towards vaccines are harmful such that they need to be reduced at all costs so that the campaigns over vaccines can be reduced. The belief in fate and lack of control has in recent studies shown the way people are susceptible to agreeableness and consciousness (Huntley and Peeters, 2005). It, therefore, means that individuals on the high radar of spiritualism can exert some form of spiritual control over controversial matters such as anti-vaccination than those lower on the scale. These make them enjoy a better level of fulfillment and power over their subjects than those below them. If compared to ‘conspiracists’, spiritualists have more control and are much more empowered than the latter in matters to do with controversy such as in anti-vaccination.
1.3
Currently, there is no study that has tried to look at the relationship between this construct and anti-vaccination. But it would be advisable to refer to the existing literature regarding the paranormal belief and science rejection and explain why there may be an insightful link. A study conducted by Thalbourne (1981) reveals evidence is pointing to people who believe in an afterlife also do believe in paranormal phenomena such as psychokinesis and ESP. Previous research has it that belief in paranormal phenomena is not associated with the rejection of mainstream science or technology at least among university students (Schouten, 1983). But Malinowski showed the connection of locus of control and paranormal beliefs by 1940. Although with the advent of modern tools (or scales) of measurement, these findings were refuted. It was then suggested that superstition and spiritualism should correlate positively, and psi belief should correlate negatively with an external locus of control (Wolfradt, 1997). As it is with various forms of paranormal beliefs, an individual is heavily influenced by cultural factors, such as family, peer group activities, media delivery of paranormal concepts and ideas and formal persuasion by social institutions e.g. Church (Schriever, 2000). These factors occur currently as is with the case of anti-vaccination struggles across the globe, where internet shapes worldview opinions of parents all over against vaccines (Jolley and Douglas, 2010).In another study, gender differences have largely contributed to the spread of these ideas where women tend to score higher than men (Huntley &Peeters, 2005). The belief in paranormal phenomena makes people start creating a distance from reality (Huntley and Peeters, 2005). Further, that paranormal belief goes hand in hand with a tolerance of ambiguity and open-mindedness. It also leads those high in Openness to Experience to approve liberal political and social values because questioning conventional values is a natural extension of their curiosity (Huntley and Peters, 2005). However with all these in mind, there is little or no support for this theory (Huntley and Peeters, 2005).It means that, anti-vaccination is related to an individual’s perception of things that are beyond his comprehension and locality. In that, individual differences in paranormal beliefs are the ones shaping perceptual decision- making in all corners of the world (Daum and Weibe, 2010). These differences are attributable to the worldwide view of issues concerning vaccines and the major doubts surrounding it.
1.4 Anti-vaccination and conspiracy, spirituality and paranormal
The general trust gap between individuals and authority over vaccines stems from a worldview that stems from conspiracy, spiritualism and paranormal beliefs of the stated individuals. From, early research and opinions it was evident that an individual’s decision to go for vaccines was influenced by what they perceive the government is doing and what their spiritual bearings dictate. Certainly, it is the availability of internet resources that has contributed to worldview against vaccines (Kata, 2010; Weber, 2010; Kasarda, 2013). The general worldwide controversies over vaccines seem to stem from a perceptual attitude and fear against the vaccines. According to Lewandowsky et al. (2013) the worldview-driven polarization increased with higher degrees of education and improved literacy in science. These make them believe that opposition to science is purely a cognitive style rather than a lack of knowledge.
According to Cognitive dissonance theory by Festinger et al. (1956, pp 27-28), there will always arise discomfort in a dissonance situation and correspondingly pressures will lead to the reduction or elimination of that dissonance. To do this, a person may try to change one or more of the beliefs, opinions, or behaviors involved in the dissonance. It will enable them acquire new information or beliefs that will increase the existing consonance and, therefore, cause the total conflict to be reduced. Rather, in other cases it may cause the reduction of importance of those cognitions that are in a dissonant relationship (Festinger et al.1956, p. 25-26). For instance, anti-vaccination campaigners tend to create a relationship with the media by presenting vaccination as a controversial topic, a radical stance that shows how scandalous this thing is threatening people’s lives. As such they force up fear into peoples’ guts thereby making vaccines as a deadly thing (Kasarda, 2013). In reality, they always try to create fear while the vaccines are all over in their bodies. Coincidentally, when these punitive legal measures are removed they always soak up their words and everything disappears.
According to the theory of Locus of control (Majzub, et al. 2012), there is an evidently good relationship between anti-vaccine movements and spirituality, paranormal and conspiracy. Within the context of this theory, people tend to have a more internal locus of control when they are successful. Further, they tend to more external locus when they experience failure, to maintain cognitive and or emotional stability. That people always try to maintain stability in their life by invoking a convenient explanatory stability (Daum and Wiebe 2003). There is a positive correlation between locus of control and paranormal as well as spiritualism. Needless to say, this correlation is shaped by the perceptual worldview that directs attitudes against vaccines in parents and its proponents. The only problem that persists in this theory is that do people always use self-serving bias in explaining events and perceived control?

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