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How Far Do You Agree That Stalin’s Ability to Manipulate the Party Machine Was the Key to His Success in the Leadership Struggle?

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How far do you agree that Stalin’s ability to manipulate the party machine was the key to his success in the leadership struggle?

Following Lenin’s death in 1924, the Communist party and their leadership over Russia was set into disarray. Many different ideals and views about the future of Socialism were unveiled and adapted over and through this ideological confusion; with various contenders for the party leader emerged. Throughout 1924-1929, in which a turbulent period of struggle occurred in the power vacuum post-lenin. Stalin eventually emerged as the successful new leader of the USSR. Stalin’s position as General Secretary of the party, among other factors His ability to manipulate the party machine through his position as General Secretary would eventually enable him to become the leader.

Stalin’s position of General Secretary allowed him to use and abuse Lenin’s systems to get to the top. Stalin had the power to control what was discussed and how politburo decisions were to be carried out, and he had the significant influence of patronage. This allowed him to access every strand of the Communist party – the orgburo, politburo, and secretariat. His power of patronage allowed him to use his authority to place his most reliable supporters in key and enviable positions within the party. As a result, these people were extremely loyal to Stalin since they effectively owed their place to him, and so therefore he could count on their support. These appointed people became known as ‘Stalinist delegates’ since at party congresses they could deliver the votes in Stalin’s favour.

Stalin was head of the Sovnarkom which enabled him to expel party members who disagreed with his views and aims. By removing people who could be seen as more extreme, such as soldiers and students, he had eroded Trotsky’s support base (the leading contender), as head of the Red Army. His position as Commissar for Nationalities meant he could gain loyalty from the officials running non- Russian regions – effectively expanding his support base and spreading his ideas.

As Stalin was appointed as the Commissar of peasants and workers inspectectorate, he also had the power to expel any members from government, often being those whom had disagreed with him. As Stalin had congregated all these key positions within the government, especially that of “General Secretary”, effectively meant Stalin had a hugely powerful role within the USSR and Communism. He effectively strategically harnessed the significance of these positions in order to grant him solidification of his position in the leadership struggle. Effectively none of his rivals had a power base as great as his, so whatever the ability of his rivals, he could always outvote and outmanoeuvre them regardless of talent or situation. Effectively it was his power to manipulate the party machine, which could be seen as the prime key in his success in the leadership struggle.

The ideological conflict of the contenders and the way in which Stalin was politically shrewd and carried out a series of shifting alliances contributed to his appointment as leader of the Communist party. Stalin was a centrist who never chose the right or the left wings within Communism – he kept his cards open and never gave his views away. The way in which he shifted alliances with the different contenders could be compared to an analogy of playing them off against each other; he simply said nothing and let them ruin each other to a point where they were all out of the leadership struggle. To reduce Trotsky’s influence (the main contender), Stalin formed a coalition with Zinoviev and Kamenev named the ‘triumvirate’, in 1923. This opposed the left opposition’s struggle for power and highlighted key issues in the industrialisation debate and the future of revolution in Russia. The triumvirate discredited Trotsky because it capitalised on the ‘Cult of Lenin’, suggesting that Trotsky was disloyal to the former leader and his ideas. They claimed that his book showed apparent disrespect for Lenin, they questioned his ideology, and they also focused on his lack of activities since the revolution.

Stalin went on to link with Bukharin to form the ‘duumvirate’ to oppose Zinoviev and Kamenev. This suited Stalin because of his belief in the policy of ‘socialism in one country’ and because he saw the NEP as weak and unnecessary (this was his chance to rid of it). By temporarily boosting the popularity of the NEP before breaking away from Bukharin later on, it led to the eventual political demise of the left wing of the Communist party. At the 16th party congress, Zinoviev and Kamenev were substantially outvoted by ‘Stalinist delegates’ who voted in favour of Stalin. Stalin went on to accuse Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev of forming a faction with the opposing group to the ‘duumvirate’ called the ‘United Opposition’. By using this against these contenders in the leadership struggle, they all lost their positions of power.

In 1928 Stalin broke his alliance with Bukharin and this was the point at which he had eliminated all credible opponents from the leadership battle. Stalin suddenly went on to blast the NEP and favour rapid industrialisation and a force for the kulaks. To Trotsky, Bukharin’s backing of the NEP suggested he was too capitalist and was neglecting the working class and undermining Communism. However, Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution also seemed too extreme. By Stalin differing his positions on the NEP through to the mid 1920s before deciding to rapidly industrialise at the end of the 1920s, he was supported by most of the party because he responded to the mood of the times and had loyal supporters. Stalin forced Bukharin to admit his political errors by accusing him of factionalism. This heavily damaged Bukharin and his powerbase as party theorist and communications, which stopped not only Bukharin but also his allies Rykov and Tomsky. This resulted in a political structure which was entirely dominated by Stalinist delegates who ensured votes in Stalin’s favour.

Another reason for the succession of Stalin to become Communist party leader is because he came out top when personal rivalries between the contenders occurred. Stalin tricked Trotsky into not turning up for Lenin’s funeral. This undermined Trotsky’s credibility and led to accusations of disloyalty to Lenin. This also ensured that Stalin could take on the responsibility of Leninism to transfer Lenin’s prestige to himself. Zinoviev and Kamenev were also hugely willing to attack Trotsky during the triumvirate period, because they had never forgiven Trotsky for personal attacks during the 1917 October revolution. These personal attacks led to the defeat of him at the 13th party congress in 1924. Lastly, Stalin also planted fears of ‘bonapartism’. He suggested that just like Napoleon had hijacked the revolution to become a military dictator in France, which the same could happen in Russia with Trotsky as head of the Red Army. This seriously damaged Trotsky’s integrity and created space for Stalin to claim the power Trotsky lost.

In conclusion, the ‘grey blur’ that was Stalin quietly defeated his major opponents and secured the leadership of the USSR until his death in 1953. He won the leadership struggle without the threat of gulags (political labour camps), imprisonment, or murder – his political prowess earned him victory among the other discussed factors. It would be ignorant to solely admire Stalin for his climb to power through his positions in the party such as General Secretary – he was helped along by luck – it was an advantageous time for Lenin to die. The weaknesses of opponents - Trotsky effectively led to his own demise. The help of early allies - Zinoviev and Kamenev were key to dismantling Trotsky. The ideological conflict - Stalin strategically shifted alliances to play off each contender with each other. The personal rivalries between contenders - Stalin’s political cunningness undermined his opponents. The legacy Lenin left - Stalin was suited to bequeath the Russia he left behind. Lastly, the personal qualities of Stalin - he wasn’t perceived as a threat until it was too late. However, his ability to manipulate the party machine was paramount ot his rise, despite all of these other factors. It allowed him to appoint whom ever he wanted to chose to the politburo and sovnarkom. Without his position, which was enabled by his party manipulation, Stalin would have seriously struggled to gain the power of the USSR. His role as General Secretary ensured the dominance of his manipulation, and ensured that Stalin could not be defeated politically in the struggle for power in the years 1924-1929.

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