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Bibliography on Cold War

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Bibliography – Cold War Task MH
1. Waltz 1979.
2. See, for example, Kennedy 1987; Snyder 1991; and McKeown 1991.
3. Foreign Relations of the United States 1950, I, 252.
4. Nitze 1980, 172.
5. Gowa 1994.
6. See Frieden 1994; and Gibbs 1990.
7. See McKeown 1984; and Baldwin 1985.
8. Nelson 1988, 800-808.
9. Magee, Brock, and Young 1989.
10. Magee, Brock, and Young 1989, 101-10.
11. Sectoral conflict arguments are often used to explain foreign economic policy. Since James Kurth's seminal article on the topic, many other scholars have made related arguments about sectoral conflict; see Kurth 1979. Ferguson and Frieden link interwar U.S. foreign economic policy to competing blocs of capital-intensive, internationally oriented firms, and labor-intensive, domestically oriented industries; see Ferguson 1984; and Frieden 1988. Gourevitch relates the policy responses to economic crises in the United States and Western Europe to the coalitions among various industrial sectors; see Gourevitch 1986. Many others, including Baldwin; Cassing, McKeown, and Ochs; and Milner have addressed the influence of differently situated industries in the development of trade policy; see Baldwin 1985; Cassing, McKeown, and Ochs 1986; and Milner 1988. Whereas most recent work on sectoral conflict has focused primarily on foreign economic policy, some classic accounts of foreign policy link sectoral conflict to states' broader international orientation; see Hobson [1902] 1965, 46-63; and Kehr 1977. A few recent authors have also applied the sectoral conflict approach more broadly; see Gibbs 1990; Snyder 1991; Nowell 1994; and Cox 1994.
12. Concerning the significance of this debate and how it was resolved, see Fordham 1998. Regarding the administration's congressional opponents, see Doenecke 1979; Eden 1984, 1985; and Kepley 1988.
13. See Leffler 1992; and Gaddis 1982.
14. See Hogan 1987; and Cumings 1990.
15. Both Cumings and Hogan cite Ferguson's work; see Cumings 1990, 18-19; and Hogan 1987, 10-11.
16. Concerning the use of "nationalists" and other terms, see Eden 1985; and Cumings 1990. Alternatively, one might level the normative playing field by referring to the internationalists as "imperialists."
17. Concerning the connection between the balance-of-payments crisis and rearmament, see Block 1977, 1980. Concerning the extension of U.S. commitments to Third World economic "hinterlands" for Western Europe and Japan, see Borden 1984; Rotter 1987; and McGlothlen 1993. For more thorough reviews of this literature, see Cumings 1993; Eden 1993; Gaddis 1983; and Jones and Woods 1993.
18. Eden 1984,1985.
19. Cumings 1990, 23-24, 97-100.
20. Frieden 1994.
21. Block 1980, 54. For similar accounts of the significance of the "Who Lost China?" debate, see Cumings 1990, 97-121; and Ellsberg 1972, 82-103; among others.
22. Block 1980.
23. See, for example, Clausen 1973; Clausen and Van Horn 1977; Schneider 1979; Poole and Rosenthal 1985, 1991; McCormick and Wittkopf 1992; and Hinich and Munger 1994.
24. For a discussion of the foreign policy outlooks of liberals during the early Cold War era, see Hamby 1973; and McAuliffe 1978. For a discussion of the outlook of conservatives, see Doenecke 1979; Eden 1984, 1985; and Cumings 1990, esp. 79-121.
25. See, for example, Bensel 1984; Eden 1985; Agnew 1987; Trubowitz 1992; and Trubowitz and Roberts 1992.
26. See, for example, Trubowitz 1992; Eden 1985; and many older accounts such as Rieselbach 1966; and Smuckler 1953.
27. Kurth 1979, 33.
28. See Ferguson 1984, 1995; and Frieden 1988.
29. See Rabinowitz 1978; and Poole and Rosenthal 1984. Other theories that account for the "empty center" include Rabinowitz and MacDonald 1989; and Hinich and Munger 1994, esp. 77-79.
30. Bensel 1984, 175-76, 222-55.
31. Remarks on National Public Radio, Morning Edition, 17 February 1994. Concerning the Senate during the 81st Congress, see Kepley 1988.
32. Frieden 1994.
33. Cumings 1990.
34. Midwestern and Mountain states include Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, Utah, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. Southern states include Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia.
35. Jackson and Kingdon 1992.
36. Baldwin 1985, 63-67.
37. Stanley Botner to Fred Hobart, 2 October 1950; and Everett Bellows to Stanley Botner, 11 October 1950; both Harriman Papers, Box 309, Library of Congress. Concerning the social background and interest group ties of administration officials and others involved in the making of U.S. foreign policy, see Isaacson and Thomas 1986; Schulzinger 1984; Burch 1980; and Shoup and Minter 1977.
38. Ferguson 1983, 16.
39. McKeown 1994.
40. The San Francisco Federal Reserve district is extremely large, including Arizona, Idaho, Nevada, and Utah, in addition to the coastal states of California, Oregon, and Washington. The volume of financial activity in the noncoastal states of this district is extremely low and probably includes very little, if any, international lending. The Kansas City district, which includes Colorado, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and Wyoming, is probably more like these four states than is the Pacific Coast. This district did not even report on its foreign lending activity because the total volume was less than $100,000.
41. Jackson and Kingdon 1992.
References
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Benjamin O. Fordham is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University at Albany, State University of New York.

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History of the Berlin Wall

...History of the Berlin Wall Eastin Bartholio Modern History Dr. Mallon May 6, 2013 The construction of the Berlin Wall was an actual feature that split Berlin into two parts: East and West Berlin. East Berlin had a communistic ruling and West Berlin had a democratic ruling enabling the West to get stronger. When the wall fell it freed East Berlin allowing them to join together with their other half, West Berlin. The building of the wall physically separated Berlin making it weaker, but with the wall falling it allowed Berlin’s halves come together making their future much brighter. Even before the wall was built East and West Berlin were separated. They were separated because after WWII. Germany’s land was given up to the two superpowers: The Unites States of America and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union got the east and the United States got the west. Giving part of Berlin to each of these superpowers caused separation because the U.S.A is democratic and the Soviet Union is not. As John F. Kennedy said, “There are many people in the world who really do not understand-or say they don’t-what is the great issue between the free world and the communist world. Let them come to Berlin!” Unfortunately when the land was given away it split Berlin in half creating their separation before it was physically separated. Yes, before the wall was built there was conflict between East and West Berlin, but at least the border between them was open to all people...

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