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Ceremonial Performance in Hopi Culture

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Throughout southwestern America, there are several western Pueblo Native American cultures that exist. These cultures all share a similar cosmology and spiritualism known as Kachina, which is most prominent in Hopi culture. Kachina is a term that relates to several things. Kachina is a religion, and the term also refers to spirit beings or personifications of things in the real world. In Hopi culture, these Kachinas are embodied by masked members of the tribes who dress up like them for religious ceremonies. Ceremonies were the most predominant interest of the Hopi people. In fact, they were the focal point of most of their thought and energy, and an expression of their genius. The Hopi believed that the Kachinas lived in the San Francisco Mountains, where they remained for half of the year. The other half of the year, there were numerous ceremonies that took place, bringing the Kachinas to their tribes. The second half of the year was devoted to the various ceremonies which were part of their religion, and performed in an attempt to bring rain. There is evidence of ceremonial calendars that marked the dates for each of the sacred ceremonies. These ceremonies can be considered performances, as they combined music, dance and song in one art form. The Kachina dances played a huge role in Hopi culture; every man took an active part in the dances throughout his life, and the women and children were also involved, but in different ways such as preparation and audience participation. Also, there were hundreds of different Kachina spirits that were embodied in performance, and all served a purpose to teach the Hopi people about spirituality and life on earth, and more importantly, to bring rain so their crops would flourish. There is also concrete evidence of these rituals found in stone paintings that have been preserved, and Kachina dances are still performed today although their culture is diminishing at a very fast rate. Because this culture still exists, their history and traditions have been preserved through members of the tribes, who hold invaluable information that is integral to understanding their way of life. A lot of the ceremonies and performances were geared towards children, and served as an effective teaching method that was very beneficial for their growth. Another interesting aspect of these performances included Kachina clowns who satirized Hopi life in an attempt to make the Hopis reflect on their behavior and also have a laugh. All of these notions serve the argument that performances in Hopi culture were integral to their being. There is a myriad of evidence that suggests Kachina dances and performances impacted Hopi culture significantly. Religion and culture are synonymous among the Hopi Indians. One cannot exist without the other. The Hopi Indians were very spiritual people, and they considered everything to be sacred. The following quote illustrates the link between religion and culture for the Hopi. "Religion and culture are so indissolubly linked in the Hopi way that it is difficult to imagine ceremonies being performed at a cultural level only. It is even questionable whether separation of religion and culture is possible among Hopis." (Religion and Hopi Life, pg. 34) Hopi religious experience and expression constitute a fundamental and irreducible aspect of the Hopi way of life whose meaning and function in part are to bind and bond all planes of Hopi experience into a lived totality. A quote from Katsina illustrates this notion: "When Kachinas are personated by the men of the villages, they assume visual form and appear in the streets and plazas of the town. It is here that the Kachina is his most magnificent, for the Hopis feel that when they impersonate a Kachina, they become the supernatural. As supernaturals they may cure disease, grow corn, bring clouds and rain, and watch over ceremonies and reinforce discipline and order in the Hopi world," (Katsina, pg. 25). Through the impersonation of Kachina spirits in ceremonial performance, the Hopi people felt that they could improve the quality of life for their people and benefit one another significantly. Their culture contained a lot of performances which were linked with their religion. One of the most notable forms of spiritual expression for the Hopi Indians were Kachina dances, which affected their culture significantly. These performances were so important to their communities and the preparations involved were tedious and time-consuming. "For sixteen nights before the dance, the men who take part go to the kiva every night to practice, learn their songs, and prepare their masks. Anyone who has been initiated may take part, so there are usually from forty to sixty men involved. For days, the women of the family asking for the dance are busy grinding corn meal, making piki, and preparing other kinds of food for those who take part in the dance. And the last two days everyone is busy preparing feast dishes, butchering sheep, or making dolls for the children in some place hidden from their view. The last night the dancers must also stay up all night grinding cornmeal." (Hopi Kachinas, pg. 36). It is undeniable that religious ceremonies required intense preparation, focus, and rehearsal. These ceremonies were integral to their culture, and made a very lasting impact. Everyone in the tribes were involved with the ceremonies in some way, shape, or form. In Hopi Kachinas, Edwin Earle illustrates the link between performance and religion in Hopi culture. "Primarily, like all ceremonies, the dance is religious. It is for rain. But it is much more. It combines music, dance, and ornamentation in one art form, providing the Hopi with their greatest esthetic satisfaction," (Hopi Kachinas, pg. 35). In the previous quote, it is made evident that there is a definite link between performance, culture, and religion for the Hopis. Another quote furthers the notion that ceremonial performances were integral to Hopi culture: "To Hopi audiences, the events portrayed in these narratives once constituted true, factual history, regardless of whether they were perceived as rational-possible or irrational-possible. They served the Hopis to reinforce the bonds of ethnic and cultural identity and to create a sense of continuity. They can bind a community in a knot of belief and common consciousness, glorifying ancestors and heroes of the recent and distant past, imaginary and historical, who can serve as paradigms for conduct. They can authorize institutions or call for their alteration, marking off culture as an accepted way of life.They can contemplate unsatisfactory compromises in social life, provide safe outlets for deviant desires, and serve as ideological weapons by one portion of the population against another," (Hopi Tales of Destruction, pg. 8-9). Therfore, it is fallacious to think that the Kachina ceremonies did not influence their culture heavily. In fact, one of the main reasons these ceremonies were performed was to culminate energy from the spirit world. The following quote helps to illustrate this point. "Katsina dance events combine responsibility with pleasure because of that grave commission to provide moisture to the whole world. The way to do this is to make clouds gather and spill over into rain. The spirit beings, or katsinam, are the clouds. A dance event at Hopi builds an energy vortex that attracts the katsina spirit beings to sail over, as clouds, to see what is going on and hear the song affirmations that describe the correct state of being," (Seasons of the Kachina, pg. 58). This quote strongly supports the idea that religion and culture are synonymous in Hopi. The performances in these ceremonies bonded the community together and gave them their cultural identity, and also served a religious purpose, which was to bring rain. Furthermore, these performances taught them how to behave properly and encouraged them to continually grow spiritual beings. Some could argue that the Kachina ceremonies in Hopi culture did not contain any sort of performances. However, an abundance of information and evidence exists to refute such claims. For example, in Hopi Tales of Destruction, acclaimed scholar Ekkehart Malotki expresses his opinion of the performance aspect of the Hopi culture: "Myths, legends, tales, and other kinds of oral narratives are a significant part of the vast expanse of expressive folk culture. Summarily referred to as oral literature, they must be regarded as true examples of verbal art. Hopi language requires a narrator and an audience in a face-to-face encounter and can undeniably be regarded as a form of performance." A performance requires a story being told and an audience to listen. Furthermore, many performances in cultures all around the world contain various types of costumes, rehearsals, and preparations all relative to each culture. These aspects all culminate to enhance a particular performance, and they vary from simplistic to elaborate, once again, depending on the culture. In Hopi culture, however, these aspects tended to be very elaborate. The following quote helps to illustrate the performance aspect of Hopi ceremonies: "Inside the Kivas, final dress rehearsals are held. Following the dress rehearsals the men rest and wait for a signal from the Chief to prepare the dance. Around midnight, the Chief makes several rounds of the kivas, advising the dancers to prepare their costumes and alerting them when performance time draws near. At the appropriate time, each group of performers quickly leaves its kiva so that the spectators may enter and take their seats," (Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls, pg. 46-47). As demonstrated in the previous quote, the Kachina ceremonies were irrefutably considered performances. The quote contains a lot of information exemplifying the performance aspect of the ceremonies. Dancing is a form of performance, and these dancers were also referred to as performers. Costumes were involved, and rehearsals and dress rehearsals were also a part of the ceremonies. Another quote from Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls further illustrates that Kachina ceremonies were also considered performances: "In performing certain religious ceremonies, Hopi men personify particular kachinas by donning masks and costumes. When a Hopi man wears a kachina costume, he is referred to as a kachina. By wearing the costume and performing as a kachina, he is believed to have lost his personal identity and to have taken on the spirit of the kachina he represents," (Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls, pg. 8-9). This quote expresses additional evidence of the performance aspects of Kachina ceremonies. In Hopi culture, performances and ceremonies are synonymous and tightly bound together. In addition to dance, songs were often sung in Hopi ceremonies, and its existence is made evident through a quote in Kachinas-Spirit Beings of the Hopi: "The lyrics of most Kachina songs relate to corn and rain. The lyrics can be made up new as long as the same beginning and/or ending is used. The Kachinas always sing and speak only in the Hopi language," (Kachinas-Spirit Beings of the Hopi, pg. 8-9). As illustrated in the previous quote, songs were involved in different Hopi ceremonies. In addition to the previous quote, there is even further evidence that the Hopi performed prayer songs as well as dances, which are undeniably forms of performance. "All Kachina ceremonies require extensive participation and preparation. Each time a ceremony is performed, eight to ten songs are composed. The Kachina dancers must memorize the songs and coordinate them with the traditional dance steps used in the ceremony," (Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls, pg. 22). In the previous quote, it is evident that performance was an integral aspect of Kachina ceremonies. Furthermore, the amount of intense preparation and participation supports the argument that these performances made a huge impact on Hopi culture. Another quote further demonstrates the performance aspects of the ceremonies: "Some Katsinamen only appear at specific ceremonies. Some come in groups, others singly or in pairs; some dance and sing, others may mime or speak or engage in many permutations of action, gesture, and communication-directed to the world of nature and to the community of living human beings. Katsinamen embody a fundamental principal in Hopi religion. In ritual, the personators take on Katsina spiritual form, becoming the Katsinam themselves," (Katsina, pg. 25-26). Some scholars say that the Kachina dances can even be considered theatrical. In Seasons of the Kachina, the author does a good job demonstrating this point: "This serious, fun, beautiful and hilarious experience of the Hopi Katsina dance event requires special planning and theatrical orchestration. No wonder that dancing is said to be a man's 'work.' For all its pleasure, dancing is a sacred responsibility to do correctly," (Seasons of the Kachina, pg. 59). So, it seems as if the amount of evidence can outweigh the claim that Kachina ceremonies in Hopi culture did not contain any sort of performances, and can even be considered theatrical. It is undeniable that Hopi ceremonies were a huge part of their culture and way of life. In fact, there are several sources of evidence that contain Hopi ceremonial calendars, which all include the various ceremonies, when they occurred, and for how long. A quote from Seasons of the Kachina describes the Hopi ceremonial calendar: "From the cosmic beginnings, the Hopi ceremonial calendar was established with one very long portion of the year opened for the katsinam to dance and sing, to act as messengers from the gods to the people and from the people to the gods. This season lasts roughly from winter solstice to approximately 16 days beyond the summer solstice. At the start and end of this season there are fixed ceremonies that must be performed, but the period in-between is open to several options that concern the kinds of katsinam that appear within any given Hopi village. this brings us to the most immediate time frame--that of a year," (Seasons of the Kachina, pg. 53-54). These ceremonies and the performances involved in them were such a large part of Hopi culture. Technically speaking, they occurred for about half of the year. These six months were almost entirely dedicated to the ceremonies and the preparations required for them. An additional quote also enhances one's understanding of the Kachina ceremonial calendar and its impact on Hopi culture. "In the spring and early summer the great day-long dances occur. Although Oraibi probably does not have more than three such dances each year, every village presents two or three, so that there about twenty Kachina dances on the reservation from May to July," (Hopi Kachinas, pg. 40). On this particular reservation, around twenty dances occurred within three months. Other sources reveal information regarding the Katsina season, which is when all of the ceremonies occur. In Traditional Hopi Kachinas, there is a Hopi Ceremonial calendar which displays the given ceremonies for each month of the year (refer to figure 1). The Katsina season is from February to July, when the Kachinas are embodied by the masked male performers who take part in the ceremonies. Other ceremonies occur in the other half of the year, too. The Hopi Ceremonial Calendar exemplifies the amount of ceremonies that occur throughout the year, and helps to further the notion that Hopi ceremonies were a huge part of their culture and way of life. By looking at the calendar, one may infer that the entire Hopi year revolves around the numerous ceremonies performed. The year is devoted to the various ceremonies which are part of the culture and the ideas associated with it are constantly reflected in daily life and folklore. Some could argue that current members of the Hopi culture can not provide enough evidence of the ceremonies that took place centuries ago. Furthermore, some could also argue that there is no concrete evidence of these ceremonial performances, which could lead one to infer that they never occurred to begin with. However, there is evidence of Kachina dances that can be found in preserved stone paintings. In Hopi History in Stone, there is a myriad of photographs that contain stone paintings of ceremonial performances (refer to figure 2). Therefore, it is empirical to subscribe to the belief that the ceremonies occurred since the ancient Hopi Indians painted and carved them into stone. These performances impacted Hopi culture so significantly that they are documented in stone and highlight one of the most important aspects of their identity. As previously mentioned, there were several aspects involved with the Kachina ceremonies such as song and dance. However, there is also a lesser known aspect of the Kachina performance that is not mentioned very often. In addition to song and dance, there were also clowns present during the ceremonies, and their performances played a very important role within the community. A quote from Kachinas-Spirit Beings of the Hopi further demonstrates this point: "The main purpose of the clowns is to portray real life without censorship. By acting it out, it lets the Hopi reflect on that behavior and see if I 'am on of those type person?' It is a teaching aid," (Kachinas-Spirit Beings of the Hopi, pg. 9). The Kachina dancers played a vital role in the ceremonies by culminating spiritual energies and using them to harness rain, but the clowns also contributed in a different way. They satirized Hopi life as a teaching method to incline the people to reflect on their behaviors. Another quote further demonstrates the role of clowns in Hopi ceremonies: "Hopi clowns function as examples of how not to be Hopi. Their antics often include political commentary and various staged events to show the Hopi what not to do," (Traditional Hopi Kachinas, pg. 5). Modern cultures teach their people how to behave in ways that do not compare to the satirical and clever methods of the Hopi clowns. Their methods of teaching were both creative and conducive to Hopi growth and development. Another quote from Hopi Kachinas also exemplifies the roles of the Hopi clowns in ceremonies: "It is the time when the clowns present their burlesques for the amusement of the assembled spectators," (Hopi Kachinas, pg. 35). Not only did the clowns teach and satirize, but they also amused the audience members. One final quote further demonstrates the clowns' roles in performances: "The exhibition of gluttony is a constant feature of the clowns' behavior and always provokes laughter. All of the rules of etiquette, the proprieties of social intercourse, the moderation of daily life in speech and behavior are flouted by the clowns. The reversal of all the normalities of Hopi life in a series of excess seems to be the essence of their humor," (Hopi Kachinas, pg. 38). The previous quote fortifies the idea that the clowns not only taught the Hopi people, but did so in an entertaining way that amused the spectators. Looking at the evidence, it is logical to claim that the Hopi clowns and their performances had an impact on Hopi culture in a way that amused and taught them. The amount of evidence addressed previously contributes to the argument that the ceremonial Kachina performances made an impact on Hopi culture. It would be a disservice to the argument to not include the impact that the ceremonies had on Hopi children. The performances of the dancers and clowns all served specific purposes; to culminate spiritual energy and bring rain, and also to teach the Hopis. The children of the Hopi culture learned a lot from the ceremonies, and they were extremely conducive to their development. Furthermore, the ceremonies were a magical time for the children, and a lot of effort was required to ensure they both enjoyed the performances and learned from them. The following quote helps to exemplify this notion: "Since a child's mind is clean and pure with no inherent evil, the children can carry prayers to the spirits. Because of this the children frequently get presents from the Kachinas of bows and arose with feathers, with which to send prayers to the spirits," (Kachinas-Spirit Beings of the Hopi, pg. 10). Not only were the ceremonies beautiful spectacles to Hopi children, they also encouraged them to be religiously involved by sending prayers to the spirits and were inclined to do so because of the gifts they were given by the Kachinas. Involving the children in these ceremonies made them spiritually aware and also made an impact on their growth, inclining them to immerse themselves in their faith at an early age. During these ceremonies, many of the children (boys only) were initiated into the Kachina cult, and taught about their spirituality. The Powamu, which is one of the Kachina ceremonies, initiated Hopi children and also taught them about their spirituality. This quote illustrates this aspect of the ceremony. "Through the Powamu ceremony and Kachina Cult initiations, Hopi youngsters learned about the kachinas, mythology, ceremonial secrets and proper conduct. The initiates were warned that if they revealed this information to others they would be severely punished by the Kachinas. During Powamu further child training is provided by the Soyokos, ogre Kachinas who frighten children in order to teach them the Hopi way," (Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls, pg. 30-31). Although the use of ogre Kachinas can be considered a scare tactic, it is also an effective method of teaching the children about their faith. Another quote from the previous source demonstrates the use of ogre Kachinas. "Another similar grouping of kachinas are the ogres who are responsible for disciplining children. During a major ceremony at a certain time of the year they travel from house to house led by the ugly hag Soyoko. The ogres confront the children with their misdeeds. Even though each child's relatives defends him or her against the ogres' claims, the child must perform certain tasks in order to absolve him/herself and avoid the drastic punishment threatened by the ogres. Through this performance, children are taught the importance of cooperative effort and that they can depend upon their elders to protect them from danger," (Kachina Ceremonies and Kachina Dolls, pg. 15). The Hopi children were taught, through performance, the importance of cooperative effort. They were also given the confidence that their elders are their protectors. The evidence suggests that the previously mentioned aspects of Kachina ceremonies had an impact on the Hopi children.

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