Free Essay

Change and Continuity in Russian History

In: Historical Events

Submitted By marx1
Words 3234
Pages 13
In the past hundred years Russian history has been littered with Revolutions, from the 1905 Revolution to the fall of Communism in 1991. Throughout this time Tsars, Communists and Democrats have exercised different systems of government in order to stay in power or gain power by offering huge economic reforms in order to appease the masses or to keep most important sectors of society prosperous and content. Although historians would argue that in many of these cases change occurred for political reasons, it is equally as easy to argue, if not more so, that at the heart of every issue that caused or had the potential to cause revolution were underlying economic motives, either for the common man or the ruling elite.
This on-going theme of economic concessions can be seen at various points throughout the past hundred years and proved a key factor to the longevity of the regimes in charge. The first such example of this post-1900 occurred after the 1905 Revolution. Despite The October Manifesto in 1905 which granted political freedoms, little of which benefitted the peasantry, It was Stolypin’s reforms as Prime Minister for Nicholas II that achieved most after the 1905 revolution, quelling the peasant threat that had emerged prior to the revolution and afterwards, much more so than the introduction of the Dumas - representative assemblies granted in the October Manifesto. Similarly Lenin’s New Economic Plan dealt with the ever increasing militant peasantry created during the civil war. These huge reforms to a more capitalist economy were at the cost of political objectives, but were vital in sustaining the Bolsheviks newly found power. As Lenin himself said the policy was:
“Two steps forward and one step back”, referring to the advance of Communist ideals being side-lined by the need to stay in power, an objective achieved by economic rather than political reforms. During Stalin’s reign the key importance of economic concessions remained but the area of society that needed to be pacified differed. Stalin required both to keep with Marxist theory and sustain the party power base he had created on his rise to power, building a strong proletariat within the party at the expense of the peasantry who had benefited so much from the NEP. It was his policies of Collectivisation and rapid industrial growth in the form of the Five Year Plans that would offer the best economic future for the working class at the expense of the peasant’s support, thus the party became the best system of social mobility for the average worker.
The prosperity that the regime could offer through this upward mobility, undoubtedly reinforced by Stalin’s ruthless police state, meant the party was able to grow and stay in control.
Equally just as delivering such prosperity to the masses had prolonged the rule of The Tsars and Communist Party alike, the failure to grant such reforms had proved disastrous for those in power. This point was illustrated by the expulsion of the Provisional Government in November 1917. It was due to its inability to implement the changes it had promised, principally land re-distribution and Soviet power that it ultimately failed. It is a fair assumption that had the government been able to deliver on these economic promises there may have not been the support for its overthrow. Equally it was the Bolshevik Party and Lenin’s ability to offer these promises that proved the turning point in their fortunes.

Throughout the 19th and early 20th Century the Tsars struggled with the “peasant problem”. The emancipation of the serfs in 1861 had simply made things worse for the peasantry; redemption payments and population growth by the start of the 20th Century caused waves of unrest to emerge starting in 1902. A variety of protests, ranging from illegal pasturing, timber cutting, labour and rent strikes occurred and calls for boycotts of tax, conscription and redemption payments continued throughout this time. It is clear by these actions that the peasantry demanded economic reforms and were less concerned with the issues pressed by newly founded political groups hoping to liberalise Russia. This can be seen from a Newspaper report of the rural disturbances at the time of attacks to all parties land, even those pushing for land reforms: “The farms of… well-known zemstvo liberals.. have suffered along with the rest.”
This is perhaps evidence of the peasantry’s passive attitude to the political calls for reforms and their more urgent requirement for economic change. Arguably that this is why the peasantry joined protests and therefore explains why only such reforms to their land could quell the threat they now posed to the Tsar and his government. Due to the need to pacify the peasantry, the process of devolution began in 1906. This was necessary as the peasants who had joined the 1905 Revolution and the events of Bloody Sunday had done so fearing government seizures of mortgage holders land. The man given the job of strengthening the much weakened position of the Tsar was Peter Stolypin, appointed president of the Council of Ministers, he understood that once again Russia’s most pressing issue was how to feed herself. As Michael Lynch states: “The peasants were the essential problem. Their grievances and sense of insecurity both inhibited them from being efficient food-producers and made them a dangerous social force – as illustrated by their involvement in the 1905 revolution”
Stolypin decided to take a “wager on the strong”. From 1906 measures were brought into place which reduced the authority of the village mir, and peasants were encouraged to abandon the strip system for a more modern consolidated way of farming. The most noted of these policies was the ‘Land Bank’ he established. This Bank aimed to allocate funds to assist the average peasant into owning his own land. His “wager” was that these reforms would create a prosperous peasantry that would both become more efficient and would form a natural support group for the power that provided this new found wealth. This policy proved successful at first with the number of independent households increasing tenfold from 1907 to 1909. However the plan required time to work, unfortunately for Stolypin the time was not available for him. His untimely assassination in 1909 halted any co-operation between the newly created Dumas and the Tsar and the subsequent war that was to follow took its toll on the project. Ultimately the deeply conservative peasantry were unwilling to embrace such changes and by 1914 only 10% had moved into independent farm holdings. However, these attempted reforms though their achievements did not match their aims, did delay any revolutionary movements prior to and following the events of 1905 by granting economic reforms to those who posed the biggest immediate threat.
However Russian history is not a story of a succession of ruling elites spanning the centuries, five revolutions in the space of the past century alone emphasize this. Evidence that it was economic rather than political reasons that drove reform can be seen just as much in the failures of a regime as they can be in the success and the promises made in order to gain power. A prime example of this would be the failure of the Provisional Government and the subsequent rise to power of the Bolshevik Party in October 1917. The Provisional Government, lacking a real mandate and any absolute power and control, was seen as representing virtually nobody and was often vilified by the left as a “bourgeois government”. Though it’s first few months brought about great changes, introducing the 8 hour day, freedom of the press and freedom of speech, the key changes that people wanted an end to the war, elections, land distribution and freedom were not granted. The fact an end to the war was never promised proved crucial as these key changes could only take place once the war had ended. It also insisted on waiting for a Constituent Assembly to be in place before it was willing to make any reforms to the peasantry. As Graham Darby noted: “There is much truth in Lenin’s oft-quoted parody of Provisional Government Policy: ‘Wait until the Constituent Assembly for land. Wait until the end of the war for the Constituent Assembly. Wait until victory for the end of the war’.
This effectively meant The Provisional Government could not provide the economic relief that the population needed during the war years, efforts to deal with the two main issues of food shortages and inflation simply failed. But so often is the case in history, one man’s loss is another man’s gain. In this case it was to be the gain of Lenin and the Bolshevik party. From his arrival in April 1917 Lenin set out his fundamental position that would secure support of the people and providing the Bolshevik party with a distinctive party line. This made the party unique compared to the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks in league with the Provisional Government, seemingly supporting all government programmes. It was to be “Peace, Bread and Land”, meaning ending the war, providing much needed food to the cities and giving the land back to the peasantry would become the simple Bolshevik slogan that would also define their manifesto. As Darby notes : “They [the Bolsheviks] did not create the peoples programme they merely articulated it”. Lenin’s key policy was ending the war, the Provisional Government refused to end the war perhaps to avoid such radical reforms due to its vested interests in the status quo or because of the potential humiliation Russia faced by pulling out of the war. Ending the war could finally enable such radical reforms to take place and the improvement economically that the population so badly desired. The Bolsheviks’ subsequent massive increase of support and thereafter eventual takeover of power has its roots in these promises of economic promises in light of the Provisional Governments failure.

Similarly in 1921 Lenin faced the task of cementing his new found power in a country torn apart by civil war, and most importantly finding a solution to Russia’s urgent requirement for food. War Communism had provided food for the army during the Civil War but in doing so had alienated the peasantry who, as a result, had lost control of their lands. As Peter Gatrell argues: “An unpalatable mixture of economic, social and diplomatic conditions forced the Bolshevik leadership to change direction in 1921”. Lenin decided to change his tack from coercion to persuasion. His speech at the 10th Party Congress in 1921 highlighted this: “We must try to satisfy the demands of the peasants who are dissatisfied, discounted, and cannot be otherwise. In essence the small farmer can be satisfied with two things. First of all, there must be a certain amount of freedom for the small private proprietor; and, secondly, commodities and products must be provided”
The Tax In Kind would not only give the peasants incentive to increase production, but it also gave them the freedom to sell what they produced on the market for profit, something that would not have been allowed under War Communism. The New Economic Policy, although not entirely popular with the party, received backing on the grounds it was only a temporary measure, a measure to have capitalism in place until the economy was strong enough to achieve socialism. The NEP essentially paved the way for an alliance between the peasantry and the working class, with the industrialisation process taking second place to the prosperity and hence support of the peasantry. During Lenin’s life time the NEP brought a wave of prosperity for the peasantry and for the country as a whole; by 1923 cereal production was up 23% and factory output had increased by 200% (though it must be noted the increase was from a low base). The Policy hugely benefited the entrepreneurial peasant, the majority of whom were small scale traders, selling in remote villages, fulfilling a role that the state could not meet. In 1925 one in four villages lacked any kind of store, so the Nepmen as they came to be known, provided not only for themselves but for the village communities, though inevitably they would later be demonised by Stalin’s regime as Kulaks and class enemies. During the early 1920’s especially, the Nepmen were a prime example of the NEP working for the peasantry. Evidence the reforms were successful can be seen clearly in the comparison between events prior to the NEP and during .Between the start of the NEP and it’s end towards 1928 there was not a single peasant uprising, despite both a terrible harvest in 1921-22 and the scissors crisis of 1923 where the widening gap between industrial and agricultural prices were likened to scissor blades opening by Trotsky. This in comparison to the countless peasant revolts against the Bolshevik rule after October 1917 and through the War Communism years. This highlights the success of the NEP in dealing with peasantry dissatisfaction with the party.
Also, important as it is to note the economic benefits the peasantry received because of the policy i.e. the re-opening of small businesses, removing the ban on private trade and an end to grain requisitioning, It is equally as important to note the lack of political benefits offered. This was a deliberate ploy by the party as Bukharin puts it: “We are making economic concessions to avoid political concessions”, a strategy that has repeated extensively by Russian policy makers. However successful the NEP was as a whole for the Country, the policy certainly steered the Russian economy into calmer waters, and have calmed potential opposition also.

However by 1928 it was clear the NEP could last no longer, the food shortages that had forced Lenin’s hand had started to reappear as peasants held onto their produce to increase the grains worth; the “workers party” was failing to deliver jobs and prosperity for the workers it supposedly represented. Stalin, like his predecessors, needed to quash any potential opposition not only to satisfy the Bolsheviks increasing insistence on its proletarian identity (as shown by the party’s huge recruitment drive in the early 1920’s) but also to satisfy Marxist Theoreticians who believed socialism could only be created in a highly industrialised state, where the majority of the population are workers. Once again it would be the economic needs of the potential threat that would be met with reforms and not any political needs, for Stalin this meant putting the worker’s interests first ahead of the peasant. Collectivisation was necessary so that the more important industrialisation drive could take place and for Russia to once take its place on the worlds stage. Unreliable grain procurements jeopardized plans for large-scale grain export to balance the import of foreign machinery and it was hoped that this mechanised agriculture would require fewer peasants to work the land, thus releasing labour to the new industries. The only feasible alternative to collectivisation - paying higher grain prices in order to secure the harvest - would reduce funds available for the industrial drive and perhaps make the targets set by the first 5 Year Plan almost impossible. Also the benefactors of higher grain prices would in fact be the regimes class enemies the kulaks rather than the peasantry as a whole. Therefore it was hoped that collectivisation would make farming more effective, destroy the kulaks and increase the parties hold on the countryside. The peasant certainly did not gain from the reforms but they were not intended to, it was to be the worker that benefitted the most. The urban worker had struggled during the NEP: high unemployment persisted, it took until 1928 for wages to return to pre-war levels, living conditions were poor and crime rates were increasing. Due to these reasons it was important to the party to unite the working class by offering social mobility through the party system and the idea of class warfare, utilizing the growing discontent with the peasantry’s ability to produce a reliable harvest and the idea of the Kulaks taking advantage of the previous system. Stalin solved both these issues using a combination of opportunities for the workers and repression of the peasantry. Stalin himself said that in collectivising agriculture, he was: “Making the two unequal legs of socialism even”. The party became the only way in which social mobility became possible for the proletariat. As Fitzpatrick states: “The regimes commitment to the working class had much less to do with workers in situ than with working class upward mobility”
The party would pull workers from the factories and “fast track” them to high status, responsible jobs, many others were promoted to white collar jobs never having to work in the factories again. It was the case in fact, that so many were promoted during the 1920’s that the party had to create a new category of workers named: “workers by social position” in order to justify the new elite they had effectively created. As well as higher level administration jobs, Stalin’s first Five Year Plan created vast amounts of construction and production jobs for the masses as huge projects such as the Magnitogorska Steel Works and various others across the country gave thousands the opportunity of work, solving the unemployment problem that had been growing during the 1920’s. Workers who stayed in their jobs and kept discipline could do well during the plans. Training courses meant they could improve their qualifications position, pay and prospects. Those who exceeded their targets were rewarded with higher pay, better working conditions and better living conditions. This became an effective means of motivating the masses by making the prospect of personal prosperity possible by working hard for the state. The prime example of this would be the Stakhanov movement starting in 1935. Stakhanov became a celebrity over night by producing twice the amount eight miners could produce in a single shift, the state made an example of his record breaking productivity and covered his exploits extensively in the press he was dubbed the ‘Soviet Hercules’. This inspired a surge of competitiveness within workers with records being broken regularly. Party membership became less about political ideals and more about personal development, Trotsky described these new members as “Radishes” – White on the inside but Red on the outside, perhaps the most apt description of how the average worker viewed the party. Once again the party was able to exploit economic need and maintain political control by making key sections of the population successful and prosperous in order to secure its position in power.
In conclusion, whether it is the autocratic rule of the Tsars or the supposedly Communist rule of Bolshevik party and Stalin, it has always been the imperative of Russian rulers to bolster their power base with insurance of a strong economy. The economic policies created have either supported one section (i.e Stalin’s Five Year Plan) or suppressed another (i.e Collectivisation) but have always been a test of longevity. The economy is often the deciding factor in any system of government and has proven to be the catalyst of unrest throughout Russia’s history.


The Russian Revolution 1917-1932 – Shelia Fitzpatrick
Lenin’s New Economic Policy – Peter Gatrell
Reactions and Revolutions Russia 1881-1924 – Michael Lynch
Communist Russia Under Lenin and Stalin – Chris Corin and Terry Fiehn
Russia 1855-1991 From Tsars to Commissars – Peter Oxley Russia and its Rulers 1855-1964 – Andy Holland

Similar Documents

Premium Essay

War in World War 2

...AP ® WORLD HISTORY Modified Essay Questions for Exam Practice This document provides modifications of the AP World History Comparative and Continuity and Change-Over-Time (CCOT) essay questions from the 2002 to the 2010 operational exams. The modified questions provide examples of essay questions that align more closely with the Curriculum Framework for the revised course as of the 2011-12 academic year. The accompanying rationale for each question explains the revisions. 2 Mission Statement The College Board’s mission is to connect students to college success and opportunity. We are a not-for-profit membership organization committed to excellence and equity in education. About the College Board The College Board is a mission-driven not-for-profit organization that connects students to college success and opportunity. Founded in 1900, the College Board was created to expand access to higher education. Today, the membership association is made up of more than 5,900 of the world’s leading educational institutions and is dedicated to promoting excellence and equity in education. Each year, the College Board helps more than seven million students prepare for a successful transition to college through programs and services in college readiness and college success — including the SAT® and the Advanced Placement Program®. The organization also serves the education community through research and advocacy on behalf of students, educators and schools. For......

Words: 1866 - Pages: 8

Premium Essay


...Cold War lesson (now that your coursework is finished). This booklet has a page for each examination question that has been asked about our course since the change of course in 2010. For each question there is a section from the guidance given to examiners for marking it, and a section from the examiner’s report on each question. Each page also contains a section where you can record what you have learned about answering each question. Tackling past questions is an excellent way of revising. You could be doing several things in any order: * Reading the examiner’s remarks; * Planning an answer to the question; * Using your notes to find the evidence you’ll need to answer each question; * Sending a plan to a friend for constructive criticism. Before you get going – please note the advice that the Chief Examiner has given to his exam markers for the last year: ------------------------------------------------- “Candidates are expected to demonstrate understanding of the issues in each of their selected questions over a period of at least a hundred years (unless an individual question specifies a slightly shorter period.) Candidates are reminded of the synoptic nature of the Unit. Answers are required to demonstrate understanding of the processes of historical continuity, development and change across the full breadth of the period studied”. ExamSeason | Government | Repression & Reform | Opposition | Agriculture | Industry | Condition......

Words: 10577 - Pages: 43

Free Essay

Text and Context in Russian Legislation

...Text and Context in Russian Legislation With Specific Reference To The Russian Constitution Nigel J. Jamieson* ABSTRACT Law and politics have a closer inter-textual relationship in Russian jurisprudence than would be understood generally of any European legal system. The closeness of this inter-textual relationship can be partly explained by history, culture, and language, as also by dialectics, ideologies, and literature. Concepts of law, government, and the state, together with concepts of federalism, democracy, and the rule of law, can vary so markedly from their apparently translatable equivalents that, even when recognising the formal concept of a codified Constitution, the inter-textual relationship between the enacted law and politics remains so dynamic as to be impossible to tell which it is, of law or of politics, that is the text, and which the context. This inter-textual relationship remains so strongly and continuously dynamic at the level of public and international law that the customary division by which lawyers, and common lawyers especially, assume law to be the text and politics to be the context carries a critical risk. This paper identifies that risk in terms of law, literature, and logic, as well as in terms of history, politics, and dialectics. To focus solely on law as a specialism without any more syncretic and synergic account of the other contributing disciplines, is to make the textual tail of the law wag the contextual......

Words: 20768 - Pages: 84

Premium Essay

How Far Does a Study of 1855-1964 Suggest That, Following the Revolution of 1917, the Russian People Simply Exchanged One Form of Authoritarianism for Another?

...How far does a study of 1855-1964 suggest that,following the revolution of 1917, the Russian people simply exchanged one form of authoritarianism for another? Once the February revolution brought an end to Tsarist rule, there was a strong belief that the introduction of the Provisional Government would lead to a more democratic Russia. However in deposing the Provisional Government, the October Revolution had removed any such hope. The totalitarian Government of the Communist Party continued and intensified many aspects of the Tsarist regime including use of the secret police and an intolerance for opposition and democracy in general. The communist regime were just as authoritarian as the Tsars before them. In terms of ideology the fall of Tsarism in 1917 was a significant event as Tsarist belief in total control and centralisation of power was replaced by the Provisional Government, who had introduced liberal reforms and aimed for a democratic Russia. Ideology came to have a far more significant impact under the communists. It was not completely absent under Tsarist rule as the Russification policy of Alexander III shows, however it had virtually no effect in comparison to Stalin’s purges. Even though the ordinary Russian citizen initially saw little difference between Nicholas II and the new Provisional Government, the authoritarian regime of the Tsar had not simply been exchanged for another in the short term. However in the long term Lenin’s Bolsheviks had seized......

Words: 1207 - Pages: 5

Free Essay


...AP World History Survival Guide Name ________________________________ Teacher __________________________ Block _________________ Table of Contents | Pages | AP World History Overview | 3 – 7 | The AP Exam | 3 | World Regions | 4 – 5 | Five Course Themes | 6 | Four Historical Thinking Skills | 7 | Essays Overview | 8 - 15 | Document-based Question (DBQ) | 8 – 12 | Change and Continuity over Time (CCOT) | 13 – 15 | Comparative Essay | 16 – 18 | Released Free Response Questions | 19 – 20 | AP Curriculum Framework | 21 – 38 | Period 1 (Up to 600 B.C.E.)—5% | 21 – 22 | Period 2 (600 B.C.E. to 600 C.E.)—15% | 23 – 25 | Period 3 (600 to 1450)—20% | 26 – 28 | Period 4 (1450 to 1750)—20% | 29 – 31 | Period 5 (1750 to 1900)—20% | 32 – 35 | Period 6 (1900 to the present)—20% | 36 – 38 | Help with Some Confusing Subjects | 39 – 43 | Chinese Dynasties | 39 | Political, Economic, and Social Systems | 40 | Religions | 41 | Primary Sources | 42 | “Must Know” Years | 43 | * Many of the guidelines in this study packet are adapted from the AP World History Course Description, developed by College Board. The AP Exam Purchasing and taking the AP World History exam are requirements of the course. This year, the AP World History exam will be administered on: ___________________________________________ Format I.......

Words: 16161 - Pages: 65

Free Essay


...AP World History Survival Guide Name ________________________________ Teacher __________________________ Block _________________ Table of Contents | Pages | AP World History Overview | 3 – 7 | The AP Exam | 3 | World Regions | 4 – 5 | Five Course Themes | 6 | Four Historical Thinking Skills | 7 | Essays Overview | 8 - 15 | Document-based Question (DBQ) | 8 – 12 | Change and Continuity over Time (CCOT) | 13 – 15 | Comparative Essay | 16 – 18 | Released Free Response Questions | 19 – 20 | AP Curriculum Framework | 21 – 38 | Period 1 (Up to 600 B.C.E.)—5% | 21 – 22 | Period 2 (600 B.C.E. to 600 C.E.)—15% | 23 – 25 | Period 3 (600 to 1450)—20% | 26 – 28 | Period 4 (1450 to 1750)—20% | 29 – 31 | Period 5 (1750 to 1900)—20% | 32 – 35 | Period 6 (1900 to the present)—20% | 36 – 38 | Help with Some Confusing Subjects | 39 – 43 | Chinese Dynasties | 39 | Political, Economic, and Social Systems | 40 | Religions | 41 | Primary Sources | 42 | “Must Know” Years | 43 | * Many of the guidelines in this study packet are adapted from the AP World History Course Description, developed by College Board. The AP Exam Purchasing and taking the AP World History exam are requirements of the course. This year, the AP World History exam will be administered on: ___________________________________________ Format I.......

Words: 16161 - Pages: 65

Free Essay

Metal Essay

...STALIN, THE GREAT PURGE, AND RUSSIAN HISTORY: A NEW LOOK AT THE ~EW by MARSHALL SHATZ Paper No. 305 1984 CLASS' STALIN, THE GREAT PURGE, AND RUSSIAN HISTORY: A NEW LOOK AT THE 'NEW CLASS' ~ MARSHALL SHATZ Paper No. 305 1984 Marshall S. Shatz received his B.A. from Harvard College and his M.A., Certificate of the Russian Institute, and Ph.D. from Columbia University. He edited The Essential Works of Anarchism (New York: Bantam Books, 1971; Quadrangle Books, 1972) and is the author of Soviet Dissent in Historical ¥erspective (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980). He is Professor of History, University of Massachusetts at Boston. 1 STALIN; THE GREAT PURGE; AND RUSSIAN HIsroRY: A NEW IOOK AT '!HE • NEW CLASS' Though nearly fifty years in the past; Stalin •s Great Purge of the 1930s still loans as one of the nost enigmatic events of the twentieth century. Whether we think of the Great Purge as a IOOre or less continuous process fran the assassination of Kirov in 1934 to Ezhov's replacement by Beria as head of the secret police at the em of 1938; or limit it to the EzhoVshchina of 1937 and 1938; When the terror reached its peak; operation is astounding. the sheer nagnitude of the The nuniber of arrests; deportations; imprisonments; and lives lost in these years is impossible to measure; and attempts to do so have varied wildly. Even the lOi/est estimates; however; are......

Words: 13189 - Pages: 53

Free Essay

The Peculiarities of Elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation

...The peculiarities of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation (VI convocation) coverage by “Nezavisimaya Gazeta” Introduction The necessity for Russia's democratic development, constructing of the civil society and law-based state is now generally accepted. At the same time, the authorities often seek only to declare the general principles, but demonstrate little desire to implement them in practice. In such situation the population is justified to mistrust the government and be skeptical about its actions. It is widely known that the key features of democracy (which underlies the basis of civil society), except guarantee of the rights and freedoms are also such as: the acceptance of political rights and freedoms of citizens in the volume, which allows not only government parties and organizations to act legally, but the opposition too; the presence of representative bodies of power, which are formed on the basis of universal, free and fair elections; the “separation of powers” principle, which means that the parliament is the sole legislative body; political pluralism and publicity of power. The civil society will not be able to exist without ensuring equality of rights and freedoms for all people; freedom of citizens in establishing of political parties and civil movements; freedom of establishing the mass media and ensuring their activities. In the modern Russian society the media, as declared, should ensure dialogue......

Words: 3370 - Pages: 14

Premium Essay

Germany in 100 Years

...Word count= 2000 Word count= 2000 World War Two (WW2) and the situation it created within Germany saw the creation of two rival political systems which were influenced by rival foreign powers. In this aspect, it can be seen as the key turning point in German political systems. When Germany at the end of WW2 was conquered and occupied by the allies between the years 1945-1949 (point zero), the subsequent rift between the capitalist allies (Britain, France and America) and the communist allies (Russia) formed two opposing democratic Germany’s; The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). This is significant, due to foreign powers controlling Germany’s political system, as well as the departure from Sonderweg, meaning Germany no longer followed a unique path of development and that nationalism and militarism were on the decline. The significance of the previous German eras, Kaiser Reich (Semi-Autocratic Empire), Weimar Republic (Federal Democracy) and the Third Reich (Dictatorship) are also significant, however in political terms they are not as significant as post 45. The significances of post 1945 can be seen by its success of creating a working democracy in Germany after 1945, the FRG. One reason why the FRG was successful revolves around the sudden decline in German militarism and nationalism. This is evident in the fact that the FRG’s constitution was based on the Weimar Republics concept of ‘Grundgesetz’, which means basic law. The......

Words: 2807 - Pages: 12

Premium Essay

The Coldwar

...[pic][pic]        [pic][pic] Top of Form [pic] Bottom of Form Syllabus | Exams | Websites | Resources | Glossary | Teachers Modern History Home > Modern History > International Studies in Peace and Conflict > The Cold War 1945-1991 > Overview of US-Soviet relations and the Cold War The Cold War 1945-1991 Overview of US-Soviet relations and the Cold War David Mclean Charles Sturt University Principal Focus: Students investigate key features and issues in the history of the Cold War 1945 - 1991 Outcomes Students: H1.1 describe the role of key features, issues, individuals, groups and events of select twentieth-century studies (Extract from Modern History Stage 6 Syllabus Board of Studies NSW 2004.) Key features and issues: • origins and development of the Cold War • influence of ideologies on the Cold War • impact of crises on changing superpower relations • the arms race • reasons for the end of the Cold War This is the transcript of a talk given at a seminar co-sponsored by the History Teachers’ Association of New South Wales and the US Information Service in Sydney on 2 September 1995. From this tutorial you will learn about: • influence of ideologies that led resulted in the division of the world into two opposed camps from 1945 • emerging differences between the superpowers Contents 1. US – Soviet relations were not synonymous with the Cold War 2. Chronology of the Cold War 3. Influence of ideologies of communism and capitalism on the......

Words: 4442 - Pages: 18

Premium Essay

Stock Index Methodology

...Stock Index) By: Echo Group Russian Trading System (RTS) Stock Exchange 1. Eligibility Factors 2.1. Market Capitalization 2.2.1. A stock’s weight in an index is determined by the float-adjusted market capitalization of the stock 2.2.2. Each company’s market capitalization is capped at 15% in the RTSI and RTS2, and at 25% in the RTS Sector Indices, to restrict the weight of any one company dominating the entire index. 2.2. Liquidity: Securities that do not meet the following criteria over the three month period preceding the date of the revision are excluded from the index eligibility list 2.3.3. The average number of companies-brokers that submitted the “bid” and “ask” quotes for the security at the end of the trading session is at least two. 2.3.4. 2. The average spread between the “ask” and the “bid” prices at the end of the trading session is less than or equal to 15%, as compared to the buying price. 2.3.5. 3. The security should have two-sided quotes in the trading system at the end of the trading session for at least 90% of the trading days of a given period. 2.3.6. 4. The daily average number of transactions in this security is greater than or equal to 0.5. 2.3.7. 5. The daily average trading volume in this security is greater than or equal to US$ 3,000 2.3. Domicile. 2.4.8. Only stocks of a Russian domicile are eligible to be included......

Words: 4263 - Pages: 18

Free Essay


...GCE History |Contents |Page | | | | |Unit A2 1: Option 1, Anglo–Spanish Relations 1509–1609 |5 | |Unit A2 1: Option 2, Crown and Parliament in England 1600–1702 The Changing Role and |17 | |Status of Parliament | | | |37 | |Unit A2 1: Option 3, Liberalism and Nationalism 1815–1914 | | |Unit A2 1: Option 4, Nationalism and Unionism in Ireland 1800–1900 |51 | |Unit A2 1: Option 5, The Clash of Ideologies in Europe 1900–2000 |67 | Introduction CCEA has developed new GCE specifications for first teaching from September 2008. This scheme of work has been designed to......

Words: 15150 - Pages: 61

Premium Essay

States Are the Most Important Actors in the Processes of Global Governance’

...‘States are the most important actors in the processes of global governance’. Discuss and use three examples to illustrate your argument. In 1944, Keynes threw the first idea about the necessity of a global government in the Bretton Wood conference. But the main historical fact which triggered the development of this notion was the breakdown of Soviet Union in 1991 which marked the end of a bipolar world. Since then, we have seen numerous international organisations multiplying, with the emergence of the notion of globalization, an emerging concern of environmental issues and the management of conflict by specialized international institutions, engaging the process of global governance which is now one of the main issue for the future. This term of « Global governance refers to the complex of formal and informal institutions, mechanisms, relationships, and processes between and among states, markets, citizen and organizations, both inter and non governmental through which collective interest on the global plane are articulated. In conventions, most of the states involved in global governance have seen themselves attributed various kinds of responsibilities and powers through the creation of diverses supranational organisations such as UN, EU or financial instutions like IMF or the World Bank. Nonetheless, global governance implies a participation based on consensus and volunteering the sacrifice is important, the countries involved have to give up some of their......

Words: 3609 - Pages: 15

Premium Essay


...and what subsequent influence did this movement have on others? Also I discussion about of one artist who made major contribution to Surrealism - Salvador Dali (1904 - 1989) and try discuss about his artwork "Metamorphosis of Narcissus". Social, economic and political influences of time "Surrealism, was officially born in 1924 in Paris and had virtually become a global phenomenon by the time of it demise in the later 1940s" (Hopkins, 2004, p.15). It was difficult time for all world. Two wars: World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), Europe, as well as the United States, Canada, Australia, and Japan, would experience the effects of the Great Depression. "The early 20th century was a period of tumultuous change. The First World War and the Russian Revolution profoundly altered people’s understanding of their worlds. The discoveries of Freud and Einstein, and the technological innovations of the Machine Age, radically transformed human awareness" (Hopkins, 2004, p.20). Art movement - Surrealism There is an opinion, that term Surrealism came in 1917, when a poet Apollinaire (1880 - 1918) referred his own drama Les Mamelles de Tirésias as Surrealist (Arnason, 2003). Surrealism was influenced by another art of movement - Dada. This movement was focused on everyday objects such as a urinal [Fig 1.], bicycle wheel, or bottle rack could become art by simply displaying them in a gallery – in other words...

Words: 1580 - Pages: 7

Premium Essay

Organized Crime

...corruption; (2) offenses involving works of art, counterfeiting, or other cultural artifacts; (3) crime associated with the distribution and sale of narcotics as well as other contraband substances; (4) crime associated with human migration or sex trafficking including various forms of prostitution; and (5) crime involving contract murder or for-hire use of force, mostly deadly force; and (6) various forms of computer crime involving identity theft and/or other large-scale financial frauds.  No one-sentence conceptual definition exists, and a very useful webpage can be found on the Internet devoted to the Many Definitions of Organized Crime.     There are known characteristics of organized crime, such as corruption, violence, sophistication, continuity, structure, discipline, ideology (or lack thereof), multiple enterprises, and involvement in legitimate enterprises.  These are the characteristics put forward by Maltz (1990; 1994), which are the most frequent basis of arguments with other criminologists such as Abadinsky (2002), Albanese (2002), Hagan (2010), and Conklin (2010), among others.  Abadinsky (2002), for his part, argues that organized crime is non-ideological; that is, its members don't care what...

Words: 4752 - Pages: 20