...The Cuban Missile Crisis: Reading the Lessons Correctly Author(s): Richard Ned Lebow Source: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 98, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 431-458 Published by: The Academy of Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2150497 Accessed: 10/11/2008 23:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aps. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The Academy of Political Science is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve...
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...The Cuban Missile Crisis: Reading the Lessons Correctly Author(s): Richard Ned Lebow Source: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 98, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 431-458 Published by: The Academy of Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2150497 Accessed: 10/11/2008 23:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aps. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The Academy of Political Science is collaborating with JSTOR to...
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...The beginning of Cuban missile crisis-a conflict between two huge atomic nations, the U.S and the U.S.S.R. was a formal presentation made by the CIA to President Kennedy. Experts pointed to the missile base being constructed near San Cristobel, Cuba. No one expected that the Russians would build a base in Cuba for Ballistic Missiles after confirming that the Russians would sign an atmospheric test-ban treaty. This may have been justified by the fact that U.S had a similar base in Turkey near the border with the Soviet Union. However, the biggest puzzle was that Khrushchev assured that there were no military installations in Cuba and that the relationship between the two superpowers would not conflict. The best decision about Kennedy was when he warned that U.S would not tolerate any kind of interference in Latin America by the Soviet Union. More importantly, the president called the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (EXCOMM), a group which met continuously for next twelve days and almost daily for some six weeks thereafter and wanted an air strike on the missile sites. “The President…knew he would have to act.” Kennedy instructed the members to come forward with recommendations for one course or possibly several alternative course of action and various alternatives like quarantine, blockade, and air strike against the missile bases alone were suggested. While the argument went on about the possible sanction the missiles were already in Cuba and they realized...
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...Davis AP US History 31 May, 2012 Bay of Pigs They Bay of Pigs was a failed operation by a CIA-trained force of Cuban exiles to invade southern Cuba, with encouragement from the US government, attempting to overthrow the Cuban government of Fidel Castro. The Bay of Pigs took place in Cuba and was launched in April 1961 shortly after John F. Kennedy became president. The defending force were trained and equipped by Eastern Bloc nations, defeated the invading exile combatants within three days. In January 1959 counter-revolutionary groups grew, after the success of the Cuban Revolution; the guerrilla continued until 1965. On March 11th 1961, Jesus Carreras and American William Alexander Morgan (a former Castro ally) were executed after a trial. On April 6th 1961, the Hersey Sugar factory in Matanzas was destroyed by sabotage. On April 14th that same year, a Cubana airliner was hijacked and flown to Jacksonville, FL to stage a ‘defection’ of a B-26 and pilot at Miami on April 15th. In 1960, the CIA started hiring Cuban exiles to train them for the upcoming invasion. The Cuban intelligence network knew the invasion was coming and the media estimated conflict throughout the world. Soviet Radio broadcasted a newscast predicting the invasion "in a plot hatched by the CIA" using paid "criminals" within a week. The invasion took place four days later. The well equipped Cuban Armed Forces posed a huge threat to the invaders. On April 15th, the invasion commenced and eight bombers attacked...
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...Alexandra Roach Dr. Fiddner PLSC World Politics 101 006 October 8, 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis Analysis Due to the Cold War, in October 1962, tensions were high between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Cuban Missile Crisis began on October 14, 1962. This was by far the most significant event to happen in the Cold War. The Soviets had been using Cuba as a place to set their missiles from which they would be able to launch a nuclear attack at any time on almost anywhere in the Southeastern parts of the United States, this including places like Washington D.C., New York City, New Orleans, and other major cities in the United States. Photographers were able to capture pictures of these missiles with high-altitude U-2 spy planes giving evidence that the missiles were 90 miles off the American costal line. Although it seems as if the Cuban Missile Crisis happened at a blinding pace, this crisis actually was a culmination of a much longer process. In this essay I will be focusing on the events that led up to the terrifying 14 day event of the Cuban Missile Crisis as well as looking at the crisis from an individual level of analysis and from a realist point of view. In order to fully understand the Cuban Missile Crisis, we must first take a look at all of the events that had lead up to the crisis. Among many of the factors leading up to the nuclear standoff between the countries, one of the factors, of course, was the genuine concern of defense of each leader, John...
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...The Monroe Doctrine James Monroe was the 5th president of the United States holding office from 1817-1825, and was considered to be one of the last founding fathers to be in office. With the help of his Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, James Monroe created the Monroe Doctrine that asserted America’s dominance in the Western Hemisphere. Monroe gave this statement at his address to congress on December 2, 1823. The Monroe Doctrine had four main points: (1) The United States would remain neutral in European affairs, and would abstain from conflict. (2) The US would honor any European colonies already established in the Western hemisphere. (3) The US would not allow any new European colonies to be created in the Western hemisphere, and would act with force if necessary. (4) The US would view any European countries that tried to interfere with a Nation in the Western hemisphere as hostile, and respond as needed. The United States defeated the British in the War of 1812 about 10 years before, and it helped establish the young country as a world power. The US did not necessarily have the means to enforce the Doctrine, and it was vague in describing how they would react if anyone did attempt anything. The Doctrine would help keep European ideals, influence, and colonization away from the Americas. With the Doctrine America essentially had full control over the Western hemisphere and that is exactly what Monroe wanted, because he believed it would help America prosper the...
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...pace means that there was still underlying fear that one nation would use the weapon against the other which highlights that arms race did little to restrain the arm to a partial extent. On one hand, it can seem that both leaders, Khrushchev and Eisenhower felt that the prospect of nuclear war was too terrifying, thus, we can argue that nuclear weapons played as a deterrence as both nations could not condemn their nations to nuclear annihilation. For example, the USA detonated their first hydrogen bomb on the first of November 1952 on Enwetak and this created a cloud of 100 miles and 25 miles high, killing every species near it, this highlights the destructive force of a weapon. The fact that the USA did not intervene during the Hungary crisis in 1956, even though, it would have been an beneficial for them as they would have had a democratic nation in a soviet sphere of influence, this strongly shows the willingness of the USA to not enter a war which uses nuclear weapons with the USSR, thus, demonstrating the USA restraint. However, this argument can be argued to be simplistic to a small extent as other factors could have restrained the USA and the USSR actions, for example , the fact that Khrushchev had a strong believe in the idea that the fall of capitalism will one...
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...The Cuban Missile Crisis 1962 Throughout 1952- 1959 a right wing dictator called Batista was in power. The Americans supplied him with many resources and had large trading deals. In 1959 Fidel Castro led a revolt again Batista and came into power and began ruling in a communist way. Americans immediately stopped trading with Cuba so Castro looked for help from Kruschev. The Bay of Pigs 1961: The new young president Kennedy decided to launch a CIA plan to contain communism. He sent 1,500 cuban exiles into Cuba hoping to spark a revolt against the new communist regime. This was a fiasco as Kennedy had underestimated the popularity of Castro as well as the strength of the Cuban armed forces, he wanted to contain communism. Castro then asked Kruschev to help him with defend Cuba from any other attacks. The US had missiles in Turkey facing towards the USSR so Kruschev wanted threatening missiles as well. Kennedy sent U2 spy planes in which it was confirmed that the USSR were sending missiles to Cuba and the bases were being made towards the US. Kennedy called upon the committee of the National Security to help him decide how to deal with the situation. A naval blockade was then sent around Cuba to prevent the USSR ships containing the missiles to reach Cuba. The ships turned away when they met the American navy, however the missiles already on Cuba carried on being made. Kruschev sent a letter to Kennedy admitting there were missiles on Cuba but only for defence. Before...
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...During Dwight D. Eisenhower’s presidential tenure, a disagreement with Fidel Castro caused friction between the United States and Cuba. The turmoil between the United States and Cuba continued after John F. Kennedy took office. Each one these men, Fidel Castro, President Eisenhower, President Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev struggled for power and almost led our nations to a nuclear war. What led to the Cuban Missile Crisis? Fidel Castro was a lawyer in Cuba, he was unhappy with Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship and tried to use the law to remove Batista from power.1 After his failed attempts he became a rebel with the intent of overthrowing Cuba’s dictator Fulgencio Batista. His vision was to spread the wealth of the rich and give to the poor; and provide everyone with the same resources.2 Batista’s cruel behavior and murder of the Cuban people made him a target, he eventually fled.3 After winning public support and overthrowing their dictator, Fidel Castro began to spread the wealth among the Cuban people.4 This was a positive movement for the poor, but not popular among the more educated people who knew how to make money, so they began to flee Cuba.5 On April 15th 1959, Fidel Castro made an attempt to meet with President Eisenhower, instead, President Eisenhower went to play golf to avoid interaction with Castro.6 His intentions may have been to address the turmoil between the United States and Cuba. Instead, Vice President Nixon met with Fidel Castro, the vice presidents...
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...The Cuban Missile Crisis was a thirteen day confrontation between The United States and The Soviet Union that was arguably the closest the two countries ever came to a nuclear war during The Cold War. On October 14, 1962, photographs taken by United States reconnaissance planes showed that nuclear missile sites were being built in Cuba. Bypassing private, diplomatic procedures, Kennedy went on national television on October 22 and revealed to the public that nuclear missiles had been found in Cuba and were within range of the continental United States. Kennedy also announced in his speech that the United States would enact a naval blockade on Cuba by putting a ring of ships around Cuba. Kennedy placed this "quarantine," as he called it, to...
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...thoughts about it by itself, but the two in mutual relations. All history is the history of thought.” Discuss the validity of Collingwood’s view on history, in reference to your case study. The past and the way the historian is able to interpret the past is the true nature of history. Collingwood’s view on history has merit, as it is the combination of the two that constitutes history. This is extremely evident in the variety of interpretations that have emerged through the study of President John F. Kennedy. Three particular historians, Theodore Sorenson, Seymour Hersh and Michael O’Brien, all construct ‘unique’ accounts of JFK’s Presidency particularly in his relations with Khrushchev (1961-1963) and his management of the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 to become solid examples of the importance of the historian in creating the history. All search for ‘the truth’ about Kennedy, using a variety of methodologies to come to different conclusions about his presidency. Context is also key in evaluating the both the historian and his work as it is reflected through his aims and purposes. Without a thorough examination of the historian, the history cannot be understood. The historian thus becomes the third element of the construction of history. Theodore Sorenson’s 1965 work, Kennedy argues a consensus view of history, attempting to “glorify” his place within America History. As a close advisor and friend of JFK, his emotional attachment to his subject is undeniable, revealing...
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...“You’ll never believe how close we came.” Director Roger Donaldson puts this phrase front and center in Thirteen Days, a dramatized, yet fairly accurate view of a period where the U.S. was on the brink of disaster. Thirteen Days is a political thriller that revolves around the Cuban Missile Crisis and how President Kennedy and his administration narrowly prevented World War III. The entire ordeal wasn’t as smooth as history textbooks make it seem, however, with many twists, turns, blunders, and narrow victories. The film doesn’t focus on any one particular person, but chooses to focus on the tension experienced by the entire Kennedy administration behind closed doors. However, the film presents Kenny O’Donnell, one of JFK’s close advisors,...
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...It seems most compelling to believe in light of this report that John F. Kennedy did not give authorization to a direct attempt on Fidel Castro’s life, but instead that the CIA exaggerated the scope of Kennedy’s plans for the Castro regime and took matters into their own hands, so to speak. In doing so, the CIA pursued an assassination that, while considered, was thought repeatedly not to be an effective means of upsetting the Cuban political territory. Additionally, it would seem as though the CIA knew they were toeing an unclear line and repeatedly chose not to explicitly discuss their plans. Every involved person seemed to “not recall” being given explicit presidential orders. Should the opportunity have arisen to discuss the potential for these orders, Helms made the case that “nobody wants to embarrass a President of the United States by discussing the assassination of foreign leaders in his presence” (150). The same shaky recollection of no authorization being given comes back over and over again throughout the various testimonies—William Bundy, for example, believes “Castro’s assassination was ‘mentioned from time to time,’ but ‘never that I can recall by the...
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...President Kennedy imposed the final phase of the embargo in 1962, disenfranchising Cuba from trade with the United States. He established the embargo to decrease "the threat posed by its alignment with the communist powers." (Kennedy 1962) The United States has maintained the Cuban embargo even after establishing a close relationship with communist China and other countries. The embargo’s aim to bring the infamous Castro's out of power by choking the economy failed, as the Cuban people now suffer the consequences. The United States supported president...
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...Many Cubans welcomed Fidel Castro's 1959 overthrow of the dictatorial president Fulgencio Batista, yet the new order on the island just about 100 miles from the US made American officials nervous. Although he had been a corrupt and repressive dictator, he was considered to be pro-american and was an allie to the US companies. At that time American corporations and wealthy individuals owned almost half of Cuba's sugar plantations and the majority of its cattle ranches, mines and utilities. Batista did little to restrict their operations. He was also reliably anti-communist. Castro by contrast, disapproved of the approach that Americans took to their business and interest in Cuba. It was time, he believed, for Cubans to assume more control of their Nation....
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