...THE MAN OF STEEL AND THE DRAGON: AUSTRALIA’S RELATIONSHIP WITH CHINA DURING THE HOWARD ERA PROPOSAL INTRODUCTION On consecutive days in October 2003, President George W Bush of the United States of America and President Hu Jintao of People’s Republic of China addressed joint sittings of both houses of the Australian Parliament. This historic occasion symbolises how Australia conducted its foreign relations with ‘East’ and ‘West’ during the Howard Era. The pragmatic decision to allow Hu Jintao to become the first non-American foreigner to address both houses demonstrates how Howard viewed Sino-Australian relations. It showed the world that it was possible to have warm relations with both the United States and China. By the end of the Howard Era in 2007, China had become Australia’s major trading partner. This was a far cry from 1996, when in the first months of the newly elected Howard Government a series of events caused severe tensions in Sino-Australian relations, as described below. This culminated in the Chinese response of banning visits to China by Australian ministers, a serious manoeuvre in the nuanced world of diplomacy. From these frosty beginnings, the relationship between the two nations strengthened considerably, for a variety of reasons, some of them outside Australia’s control. Paul Keating may have sown the seeds to Australia’s ‘pivot’ to Asia, but it was the Howard Government that undertook the most significant shift in orientation, cumulating in...
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...Throughout the history of the United States, war riddles its short existence. The United States had nineteen eventful years of foreign policy after World War II ended in 1945. It was a time of economic growth and prosperity for the US but involved conflict with the countries from World War II, the Cold War, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars. This period had an active foreign policy designed to rescue Europe and Asia from the devastation of World War II and to prevent the expansion of Communism taking place in the Soviet Union and China. Much of the United States’ efforts focused on containment for these nineteen years, which ultimately ended in failure. Another issue that changed foreign policy in the United States was the powerful nuclear weapons...
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...Uses of force as it relates to Foreign Policy decision-making describes a critical tool a president, diplomat, or military leader has at his or her disposal to persuade a country or person to align with certain policy goals or ideas. Each force can have either a positive or negative end result if not used and communicated properly. For example the appropriate use of force for a country seeking weapons on the grey market to supply radicalized militia groups will be different than the force used to deal with a nation infringing on another’s sovereignty. Sometimes the way a certain force is chosen and applied is based on how we may perceive that countries reaction to it. In some cases it is necessary for Force to be applied inclremently in order to avoid unwanted conflicts. Most nations’ states seek to resolve matters diplomatically before using the force of:”Aggression” or “Armed Power” in order to resolve matters at the lowest possible denominator. If this cannot be done then measures are taken in order to assess the risk of an unwanted outcome and use the best possible course of action one has at his or her disposal. Nations may also chose to use force in concert with each other in order to have a more effective impact. For years we have used the forces of Armed Power, with Economic and Diplomatic means to engage Iran and its allies. While this is adequate and necessary for Iran given the circumstances, we will not use this specific force to engage china freed trade agreements...
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...mannerisms of prominent world leaders. At the moment, everyone around the world feels the need to understand and find out the underlying motivation of the admirable and not so admirable leaders. This analysis receives support from the evaluation of the downfall in political positions and failures of leaders, who not only destroy the political position of their country, but also destroy the lives of their people. The presence of high –tech industries and weapons of all kinds have given many people dynamic power and, therefore, bringing the focus of why it is important to understand the behaviors of leaders based on their personalities. This essay will evaluate the psychology of leaders using examples from three different books, and drawing examples from a variety of prominent leaders. Post, for instance, presents psychological theories that surround the lives of leaders and some terrorists. He focuses on discussing essential issue such as the effects of age and illness on some of the leaders and how such factors affect their political reign. He also analyses the association that is present between a leader and his or her subject. One of the first points that come out in the first chapter is that states have a variety of instruments that they could use in conducting their foreign policy. These include positive political sanctions such as diplomatic...
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...Foreign Policy Module Summative Assessment Question 1: Foreign policy must be formulated in accordance with the national interest’. Evaluate this claim which is attributable to realist thinking on foreign policy. * * According to realist thinking on foreign policy, international relations and politics are formulated in accordance with national interest. This presupposes that the key actors in International Relations are sovereign states that behave similarly regardless of their type of government. As well, a state of anarchy is at the fundamental core of this argument and national interests of egoistic states as the main outward presence in international realm. Classic Realism, originally emerged from the European concert of aristocratic diplomacy. By evaluating this claim, this essay will reassert the position and importance of Offensive and Defensive Realism in our contemporary post 9/11 world. These are respectively neoclassical realism and neorealism. Firstly, a detailed account of realism will be produced highlighting the emergence of national interest as the fundamental feature or goal of sovereign states. This is done either through the maintenance of a status quo or aspiration of accumulating influence. It will be concluded that Defensive Realism or neorealism is the principal theoretical sub-school in according this claim any legitimacy. Secondly, a general evaluation of neorealism in post 9/11 world will be provided; and a comparison, and ultimately an...
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...Dumisani Yambira 1147585 8/12/2015 [Type the company name] user President Zuma`s letdown approach to deliver a sound foreign policy indicates a failure. Factors of negligence and corruption within top officials have put the South African foreign policy brand into shame on the International relations platform. The failure to observe the policies on the Government White paper associates the current Administration with incompetency. The vocal tone of discontentment by the social forces indicate the State`s inability to perform the policies outlined on the Government`s diplomacy of Ubuntu. South Africa`s role in the COP17 indicates the State`s incoherence on their foreign policy. President Zuma`s Administration did not live to the expectations of the International community and of the locals. The conference expected South Africa to take the lead on the promotion of green technology and encourage renewable sources like wind as outlined on the website of (South African Government White Paper on Foreign Policy 2011). To great disappointment, scholar (Watson n.d.) observed that little support is given to these sources. In 2011, the public campaign of “One million Climate Jobs” demanded for the State to use electricity from wind and solar power (Austin-Evelyn 2011). However the negligence highlight the Foreign Policy`s failure to lure in investors on the climate change program and promote community empowerment. This presents the Government’s failure to meet the demands of civil...
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...Foreign policy of india. When India became independent on August 15, 1947, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru became her first Prime Minister. For long seventeen years (1947-1964), he remained in power and during this long period he was the central figure of India’s foreign policy making. It was Nehruji who framed and guided the Foreign Policy of India. To Pandit Nehru non-alignment was the corner stone of India’s foreign policy. He adopted this policy for various reasons, which may be divided into material and immaterial or spiritual reasons. The geographical and economic condition of India just after independence served as the material reasons for his favoring the policy of non-alignment. India’s next door neighbour on one side is People’s Republic of China and on the other is Pakistan, the arch enemy of India since her very emancipation from the British yoke. Nehru could easily realize that if India joins any of these two blocks, she would bring the rage of the other on her. It was indeed a crucial problem for the newly independent India and so he had chosen the path of non-alignment. Moreover, in order to guard her saturated post-independent economic condition India seriously needed the co-operation of both the big powers, U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. and their satellites the developed countries of Europe. Her entry into one bloc would not only make the members of the other bloc hostile to her interest but also might jeopardize her very independence. For this economic consideration India...
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...of US Foreign Policy: An Overview Hang Thi Thuy Nguyen1 1 The Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Australia Correspondence: Hang Thi Thuy Nguyen, School of Global, Urban and Social Science, The Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Australia. E-mail: thuyhang032003@gmail.com Received: July 27, 2013 doi:10.5430/wjss.v1n1p20 Accepted: August 12, 2013 Online Published: August 13, 2013 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjss.v1n1p20 Abstract This article reviews major theoretical perspectives to US foreign policy as well as on how these theoretical perspectives explain foreign policy decision making and conducting of the US. First, the paper will discuss the process of making foreign policy to sustain US core values and interests which are determined by five major categories of sources (i) the external environment, (ii) the societal environment of the nation, (iii) the governmental setting, (iv) the roles of foreign policymakers, and (v) the individual personalities of foreign policy-making elites (Wittkopf et al 2008, p. 15). Then, the paper will examine the defensive and offensive realism, liberalism, marxism, neoclassical realism, constructivism which can be based on to understand US foreign policy behaviour. It will be concluded that no single theory has the capacity to describe, explain and predict US foreign policy behaviour. A mixture of such theoretical approaches seems to be necessary to obtain a comprehensive picture of US foreign policy...
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...The impact of domestic determinants on foreign policy has long been a widely debated topic in the field of international relations, and foreign policy analysis in particular. Some scholars argue that domestic politics and foreign policy are two independent arenas of issues. Others believe that the two respective issues do not stop at the water’s edge. Foreign policy and domestic politics are interdependent and could spill over into each other. While both schools of scholars make some convincing arguments about their respective cases, it’s probably reasonable to expect that the degree of influence between domestic and international determinants of foreign policy is contingent on different foreign policy contexts. In some cases, international factors play a more important role, whereas in other cases, domestic reasons are more important. In this presentation, I put forth a conglomeration and an intellectual web analysis in examining the domestic determinants of national foreign policy. Prior to reaching this goal a definition offered by Webber and smith in 2000 on foreign policy is stipulated. The interpretation of domestic determinants as illustrated by Sulliban is furthermore encapsulated. According to Webber and Smith, A country's foreign policy, also called the international relations policy, is a set of goals outlining how the country will interact with other countries economically, politically, socially and militarily, and to a lesser extent, how the country will...
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...What the Government should do in regard to China policy following the 2013 Federal Election 30 July 2013 at 22:44 Some Australian commentators claim that Australia is at a cross roads, and that it is unprecedented that its largest trading partner is not its closest ally.[1] In fact, its major ally and largest trading partner are engaged in a Cold War power struggle. They go on to say that solving this ‘unprecedented’ situation is Australia’s greatest foreign policy conundrum for at least the next decade.[2] However, Australia’s situation is not unique, neither in the region nor in its own history. By considering the recent positions of the major political parties this essay will examine Australian and Chinese foreign policy in relation to the importance of the Australian-Chinese relationship and whether we need to choose between China and America. Lastly, I shall recommend strategies for the Australian government to implement regarding its China policy. The overarching foreign policy aim for both the ALP and Coalition is serving Australia’s national interest, which can be broadly broken down into four main goals: maintaining the territorial integrity of Australia, including the safety and security of its society and economy; ensuring regional stability and preserving the existing regional balance of power; the sea lanes that make up the arteries of international trade remain open; and responding to new security threats.[3] Included in the last goal are terrorism, international...
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...Public policy is embedded into the day-to-day lives of Canadian citizens. Although some may not be actively aware of the multitude of policies, they do determine every aspect of the Canadian society. There are policies that govern air, water, food, transportation, technology, taxes, health and immigration. But this is not an exclusive list of Canadian public polices. Two domains of public policy are domestic and foreign. Internal rules and regulations that govern within a nations border are known as domestic policies (Gale, 2008). Foreign polices are diametric in that they consist of international relations that take place outside a nation’s border (Elman, XXXX, p. X). When take together on a global scale, they can be described as global public policies. Globalization can be defined by “homogenized culture, a global economy, and a borderless world” (McBride, 2011, p. 10). To fully understand globalization one should consider all aspects such as, social, culture, technology, economic and political. Globalization has mainly impacted foreign policy, but it has also had an effect on domestic policies. Both policies are not only influenced by globalization, there are various other factors that contribute to the formation of public policies. Often times it can prove difficult to separate the effects that impact both forms of public policy because they are intertwined. Need thesis statement – what are you arguing or exploring in this paper. Also, should there be definitions in your intro...
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...Q.6) Highlight various approached of policy evaluation. Summative and formative evaluation Two types of evaluation that are commonly used in government are summative and formative evaluation. Summative evaluation, which is sometimes referred to as impact evaluation, asks questions such as: What impact, if any, does a policy, programme or some other type of government intervention have in terms of specific outcomes for different groups of people? It seeks to provide estimates of the effects of a policy either in terms of what was expected of it at the outset, or compared with some other intervention, or with doing nothing at all (i.e. the counterfactual). Formative evaluation, which is sometimes referred to as process evaluation, asks how, why, and under what conditions does a policy intervention (or a programme, or a project) work, or fail to work? These questions are important in determining the effective development (i.e. formation), implementation and delivery of policies, programmes or projects. Formative evaluation typically seeks information on the contextual factors, mechanisms and processes underlying a policy’s success or failure. This often involves addressing questions such as for whom a policy has worked (or not worked), and why. Q.7) ‘Policy proposals are identified through different techniques’. Discuss. Policy proposals are identified by many techniques and it depends on the views, issues regarding the policy to be made and implemented. Huge use of quantitative...
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...economy to more of a consumption model. It needs to be mindful about funding its state-owned enterprises, about subsidizing state-owned companies. It needs to lessen its reliance on low-end manufacturing and move up the value chain. By the way, these aren’t my observations; these are observations by Chinese leadership. If you follow any Chinese leader’s speech on China’s economic transformation, these are the points he’ll make. We would call that market rationalism or just normal evolution as a country rises to middle-income status. But there are also some countervailing impulses. There’s a strong streak of economic nationalism; there is a desire to promote national champions; there are protectionist impulses; and investment barriers—the policies called indigenous innovation, where China looks for ways to highlight or promote local companies at the expense of international competition. The fundamental economic question is: Will market rationalism prevail over these kinds of distortions, whether you call them...
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...Introduction In recent years, to talk about changes and transformation in Turkish foreign policy have become common place1. Since the end of Cold war, many books and articles have been published claiming that Turkey’s external relations have undergone a profound change2. Most commentators when analysing Turkish foreign policy in the 1990s perceived a significant qualitative transformation in comparison with the foreign policy conducted during the Cold War, which is often described as passive and reactive. An assertive and multi-directional foreign policy was developed, and Turkey became much more active in its neighbourhood, establishing ties with the Caucasus and the Turkic Republics, participating in peacekeeping missions in the Balkans, promoting economic relations with Black Sea countries, increasing economic and political ties with the Middle East. However, a darker side of this activism in foreign policy was observed in the 1990s, when Ankara’s ready resort to the threat or the use of military force was particularly visible. Regular military incursions in Northern Iraq to crush PKK forces, threats against Syria, with troops amassed at the border in 1998, hard rhetoric during the Russian S-300 missiles crisis planned to be deployed in Cyprus in the same year are a few examples (Park 2005). In 1995, the Turkish Parliament announced that if Greece expanded its territorial waters from six to twelve miles, Turkey would go to war and war almost happened over ...
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...The works “Preventive War and Democratic Politics”, “Democratization and the Danger of War”, “Terrorism, the Use of Force, and International Law After 11 September”, and “Failed States: Fixing a Broken World” all describe and aim to formulate the motivations for modern wars between two states. By using historical precedents, each author makes assertions about war theory, leaving the reader with a framework to analyze conflicts occurring in the world today. While each entry makes a unique assumption, the content of arguments invariably overlaps. In my response I will examine each piece and the questions I was left with after contemplating the implications of their respective theories. In “Preventive War and Democratic Politics”, Levy first distinguishes preemptive wars from preventive wars, claiming that the former involves an immediate threat to a state’s safety while the latter is determined by the presence of a non-immediate threat—often an adversary “crossing a particular threshold of military power, leading to a stop-level power shift” (Levy, 7). He goes on to discuss that since the advent of nuclear military developments, the majority of wars have been preventive. This argument is logical because as the stakes are raised, states have the responsibility to their constituents to mitigate threats; citizens are much more willing to tolerate smaller skirmishes than risk the threat of an over-militarization of another state with different social and political values, beliefs...
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