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Japan and Article 9

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Submitted By chelseagerken
Words 1367
Pages 6
Chelsea Gerken
Purdy
April 16, 2014
HS 180
Japan and Article 9 Since Japan was occupied by the Allied forces and established its post Second World War constitution, there have been various influences and affects to its Article 9. Within the initial phase of the occupation, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, Douglas MacArthur, as well as legislators of the initial constitution had reasons to believe that Japan should not have military forces again. Article 9 of Japan’s constitution rejects war and does not allow Japan from maintaining any war potential. Since then, many have argued that the country has proven itself to be a peaceful nation, while some believe otherwise. In this paper, the benefits and drawbacks of permitting the build-up of Japan’s military capabilities will be discussed through academic research and personal points of view. This will occur through a short history on the issue itself, discussing the benefits and drawbacks of allowing Japan’s military forces to reconvene, and finally an analysis of which seems to be the best option. Before discussing the pros and cons of the issue, a brief history must occur. Within the Japanese Constitution is a clause that prohibits an act of war by the state. Immediately after World War II, on May 3, 1947, the Constitution came into effect. Within the text of the document, Japan formally renounces war in its sovereignty and forbids settling international disagreements through using military force. Because of Japan’s role in World War II and their sanction to create a constitution, this particular article was very impactful. As a result of this, Japan focused its resources and talent on other areas of importance within their country at that time. For example, they focused on their manufacturing of goods and trade, as well as the welfare of the nation. Through this reform, SCAP hoped to change the focus of the nation away from war, as it had been engaged in military disputes for several years. Taking a look at the history, including the implications of Article 9 is very important. When the Japanese government accepted the article, it could be seen that there was a desire to shield the imperial throne. A few of the Allied Powers’ leaders viewed the emperor as the key reason to Japan’s warlike and military actions. The emperor’s agreement to Article 9 ended up weakening the arguments of the Allied leaders that were in favor of eradicating the emperor’s throne and putting the emperor on trial for various war crimes. Now that a bit of history was discussed regarding Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, the benefits of taking away the clause, allowing the country to hold military powers will be covered. The first benefit and positive of this issue is that it is important for a country to have a right to self-defense, to establish national armed forces and a duty to protect and preserve the nation’s territory. This distract change is necessary because Japan can be strong and independent in its national security. Japan will not be able to continue to rely on the United States of America for all of its national security needs. This benefit is very crucial, because the tension between Japan and its neighbors in the East are apparent. Within the last ten years, North Korea has engaged in launching various missiles and some were directed towards Japan. In addition to this, in December 2012, the planes from the government in China had violated the airspace in Japan when pressure over the Senkaku/Diayu islands flared up. This also occurred in a difference scenario with Russia when they violated airspace near the area of Hokkiaido in the year 2013. What this shows is that there have been several moments when the security of Japan was at risk of being compromised. According to the Ministry of Defense, in the last five years, there have been nearly 400 incidences where planes from foreign governments have flown in Japanese territory without authorization. That being understood, if Japan were able to defend them militarily, such tension would be lessened, with the knowledge that Japan could defend themselves and stand their ground if something were to happen. Although there have been many incidences of this, there is always reason to believe that not all almost 400 incidences were intentionally inflicting terror and warning to Japan. Moreover, it is safe to say that it is a very large number and a benefit of removing Article 9 is that Japan could have the means to defend itself if their security was compromised. Now that there is an understanding on the benefits of removing Article 9 from the Japanese Constitution, the drawbacks of doing so will be discussed. Because the Japanese government and citizens did not and do not need to be concerned with military actions and war, they are able to direct their focus elsewhere. In addition to their focus, their money and energy can be put to use in other effective and useful ways. After sixty years, the reform has done the country of Japan a wonderful service. As a result of effects of Article 9, their Gross Domestic Product was and is focused elsewhere, not on military efforts. This has caused the country’s economy to grow exponentially. Also, the economy has grown to be stable and influential. Scaling down the military has allowed Japan to grow and flourish into a successful and powerful nation. In this transformation over the last sixty years, Japan has been able to centralize and focus on the welfare of its people, too. After gaining a better understanding of both sides of the issue on removing Japan’s Article 9 from its Constitution, there is a definite side in which I feel strongly towards. This feeling has come from an understanding of research and analysis of both sides and the issue in a historical context. While both the benefits and drawbacks of removing Article 9 form the Constitution have fair and valid arguments, based on what I know and understand on the issue, the side in which I support in the greatest capacity is that it be removed from the constitution. While it has had its many benefits to the country of Japan, the article within has many more benefits to eliminating it entirely. The idea that Japan should no longer be able to rely on the United States for various national security threats has the most effect on my decision. Because Japan is a functioning country and state with its government, economy and welfare of its people, ensuring the safety of its people and nation is possible and should occur. With events, such as China and North Korea, nearly at the doorstep of Japan and threatening its national security, it is imperative that the country establishes this reform so they are capable to handle any issues that may arise. The threat of China and other nations encroaching on Japan’s territory and security gives reason within itself to amend Article 9 to allow military action and funding to go towards it as well. Based on the various elements and viewpoints discussed in this paper, there is a great deal that goes into a clear understanding of Japan’s Constitution, most specifically Article 9. There are both impactful benefits and drawbacks for the removal of that particular article from the constitution. Within the various pros and cons, there are some that sway my personal viewpoint to one side of the argument. From learning and understanding the various viewpoints, it was clear to me that removing the article and the benefits that came along with that outweighed the drawbacks. Allowing Japan to create military forces to protect its sovereignty and citizens is crucial to the future of the nation.

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[ 1 ]. Peters, Benjamin. “The Institutionalization Of Peace In Japan: Origins, Maintenance and Effects of Article Nine” Conference Papers- Midwestern Political Science Association (2009) 76-90
[ 2 ]. Gibbs, D. Bradley. “Future Relations Between The United States and Japan: Article 9 and the Remilitarization of Japan.” Houston Journal of International Law 33.1 (2010) 132-140
[ 3 ]. Kitaoka, Shinichi. “Peace in The Modern Era and the Right of Collective Self Defense” Asia-Pacific Review 20.2 (2013) 81-95.

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