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Multilateral Work

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FN - som aktør eller forum?
I en global verden hvor problemer som finanskriser og global opvarmning truer, er det nødvendigt at blive enige på et globalt plan, før man tager afgørende beslutninger omkring tilgangen til disse problemer. Inden man når til den fase, hvor selve beslutningen skal tages, er det dog nødvendigt at overveje hvordan selve enighedsprocessen skal forløbe. Er det nødvendigt at have alle lande i verden med, når beslutninger skal træffes, eller kan nogle lande tale på vegne af andre?
1. Internationalt samarbejde
Det kommer i interviewet med Carsten Staur (CS) til udtryk, at han har et idealistisk syn på internationalt samarbejde. CS gør opmærksom på, at der, sideløbende med FN, har været en ændring i G-grupperne, nemlig fra G7 i 1976 til G20 i 1999 (hvor G20 blev en realitet, men dog først afløste G8 i 2008). CS påpeger det positive i, at den økonomiske forskel i verden generelt er blevet mindre, og at man nu kan nyde godt at have de store udviklingslande (herunder BRIKS-landene og 15 andre) med ved bordet, når der skal snakkes økonomi. Herved undgår man at staterne opererer som eneaktører, men derimod finder sammen i organisationer som netop G20 og FN, for at skabe fælles fremskridt, hvilket stemmer overens med det idealistiske syn på internationalt samarbejde. Herved opløses altså den klassiske magtstruktur med enten uni- eller bipolaritet, idet man i f.eks. FN tager beslutninger efter reglen om konsensus (med forbehold for landene med veto-ret). Modsvaret hertil er realismen, hvor opfattelsen er, at der er internationalt anarki, og at nationerne derfor opdeles efter fysisk styrke (supermagter, stormagter og småstater). Varig fred er, som resultat af de enkelte nationers interesser, uopnåelig, men dog vil det gennem hegemoni være muligt at opnå midlertidig fred.
En mere negativ holdning til FN bringer Søren Pind (SP) til bordet. Selvom SP har et idealistisk synspunkt i forhold til det internationale samarbejde, mener han, at FN slet ikke fungerer som international organisation. FN er, ifølge SP, blevet en snakkeklub, hvor reglen om konsensus hæmmer aktiviteten og produktiviteten, og derved lammer FN som international organisation og aktør. Derudover mener SP, at diktaturstaterne i FN er i et overtal, der hæmmer beslutninger vedrørende demokratiske tiltag, som altså generelt hæmmer FN som international organisation.
Som alternativ til FN mener SP, at man bør etablere et forum, hvor det er muligt for demokratierne og diktaturerne rundt omkring at komme til orde. Et forum, hvor alt det sukkersøde skubbes til side, og man som nation kan få lov til at tale lige ud af posen. SP påpeger, at FN er et ineffektivt organ i forhold til katastrofehjælp, og mener, at en anden organisation bør tage sig af dette (SP undlader dog at foreslå et alternativ). Tankerne hos SP er mange, og foruden et globalt forum behøver verden også en international organisation, der repræsenterer (typisk vestlige) værdier som frihed, fred og demokrati. Som konkret eksempel bruger SP NATO, og for at gøre en organisation som denne mere global, påpeger SP det interessante ved at indlemme lande som New Zealand og Australien (og eventuelt flere). Her vil det multilaterale samarbejde blomstre, og man vil få skabt en global organisation, der, pga. dens legitimitet og globale repræsentativitet, i udbredt grad vil kunne praktisere blød magt frem for at være tvunget til at tage hård magt i brug, som resultat af manglende legitimitet. Organisationen vil have en stor diversitet, og netop dette gør praktiseringen af blød magt mulig, eftersom mange forskellige kulturer vil virke tiltalende på de forskellige kulturnationer rundt omkring i verden.
Afslutningsvis kommer Mogens Lykketoft (ML), der også har et idealistisk standpunkt, til orde. Ifølge ML har verden brug for en stærk, bred international organisation, der kan på legitim vis kan varetage globale interesser. Netop manglende legitimitet er, ifølge ML, et essentielt problem i forhold til internationale aktører (herunder G20). ML er af den holdning, at FN ikke lever op til dette, og mener derfor at FN bør ændres som organisation. I modsætning til SP's holdning om et globalt forum, mener ML, at det er positivt at man har en gruppe som G20, hvor antallet af medlemmer er begrænset. ML påpeger nemlig, at et højt antal medlemslande hæmmer muligheden for at tage beslutninger. Problemet med G20 er, ifølge ML, at gruppen mangler legitimitet. Dette skyldes, at G20 er en gruppe og ikke en organisation. Konsekvenserne herved er, at de beslutninger, der tages i G20, også skal vedtages i internationale organisationer for at blive universelt bindene. ML er af den holdning, at G20 er en rigtig god idé, men at den har brug for at blive fusioneret med f.eks. FN's sikkerhedsråd og derved skabe den G20-gruppe, som verden i ML's øjne har brug for. Dog mener ML ikke, at de nuværende medlemslande er nok til at kunne lade en fusion af FN's sikkerhedsråd og G20 varetage alle de globale beslutninger, og derfor foreslår ML, at indlemme Japan, Brasilien, Tyskland, Indien og et afrikansk land som permanente medlemmer i FN's sikkerhedsråd, for netop at sikre global legitimitet. Til trods for holdningen om, at flere lande i en organisation hæmmer beslutningsprocesserne, er ML åben overfor en eventuel G25-gruppe efter fusionen, eftersom et øget antal af permanente lande i FN's sikkerhedsråd også giver plads til nye midlertidige lande.
En signifikant fordel ved at lade FN's sikkerhedsråd fusionere med G20 er, ifølge ML, at de rammer og de tidligere samarbejdserfaringer man i FN har opbygget, kan tages videre med over i G20, hvilket vil give G20-gruppen et fundament at arbejde videre på.
ML er altså tilhænger af en stærk, legitim, bred international organisation, og mener i den grad, at legitimitet er en mangelvare i det internationale samfund. ML ser store muligheder i at fusionere FN's sikkerhedsråd med G20-gruppen, for derigennem at skabe en organisation der, med en lille udvidelse (indlemmelse Japan, Brasilien, Tyskland, Indien og et afrikansk land som permanente medlemmer i FN's sikkerhedsråd) på legitim vis kan håndtere og løse globale problemer, med de globale interesser i god behold.
CS mener, at man, i forhold til en institution som FN, bør have tålmodighed og respektere, at det tager lang tid at blive enige i et forum, hvor man har reglen om konsensus. CS påpeger ydermere, at FN de sidste 20 år har opnået en del resultater, men at folk tit ender med at glemme disse, når snakken falder på de problemer, hvor beslutningsprocessen er noget mere kompliceret.
Dog mener SP, at FN er tabt og har udspillet sin rolle som international aktør. Beslutningerne, der bliver taget er for få, og dette gør FN ineffektiv som organisation. Dog ser SP muligheder i at skabe et mere globalt forum, hvor det bliver muligt for alle de respektive lande at komme til orde på godt og ondt. Herudover leger SP med tanken om en eventuel udvidelse af NATO, således at man har en stærk international organisation, der repræsenterer væsentlige værdier.
2. FN's rolle som international aktør - succes eller fiasko?
Martin Krasnik (MK) påpeger i uddraget fra Weekendavisen, at grunden til, at FN er blevet opfattet som et ufungerende organ, er, at folk har haft den forkerte opfattelse af, hvad målet med FN er. Ønsker man FN som en international organisation, der løser alle verdens konflikter og problemer, eller skal FN fortsat fungere som det gør nu, som et forum hvori man søger at finde frem til løsninger, som andre kan eksekvere?
Netop dette er noget, man bør gøre op med sig selv, før man kan afgøre, om FN er en succes eller en fiasko. For hvis man som ML ønsker en stærk, legitim international organisation, der løser alle konflikter og problemer, er det klart for enhver, at det nuværende FN er en fiasko i forhold til udfyldelsen af denne rolle. Grunden er simpel: Når man står med en organisation, der beskrives ganske fint med Esther Feins ord: "Hvis FN var et land, ville dets største eksportvare være ord", er det tydeligt, at man ikke får løst alle konflikter. Som Esther Feins citat på fornem vis udtrykker, er det nemlig ikke FN's nuværende rolle at være konfliktløser; dette er op til enten den enkelte stat eller andre internationale organisationer. FN's nuværende rolle består i at være et forum, hvor lande mødes for at diskutere de forskellige problemstillinger, verden er stillet overfor. Herudfra kan man tale sig frem til eventuelle løsninger, opstille forskellige retningslinjer osv., men i sidste ende er det ikke FN, der går ind og sørger for at tingene sker. Selve eksekveringen af resultatet af møderne i FN må foretages af andre institutioner, selvom ML gerne ser, at en fusion af FN's sikkerhedsråd og G20 bliver i stand til både at finde frem til eventuelle løsninger og derefter eksekvere dem.
Forventer man derimod, at FN fungerer som et medie for mellemnational politik og er et forum, hvor relevante problemstillinger diskuteres og får opmærksomhed, kan man med god samvittighed sige, at FN er en succes. CS kommer med en lidt besynderlig pointe, eftersom han mener, at man bør give FN som international organisation tid til at bevise sit værd. Dette forekommer jf. ovenstående meningsløst, for opfattelsen af FN som succes eller fiasko afhænger klart og tydeligt af, hvad man forventer af FN.
I et fremtidigt perspektiv står FN dog lige meget hvad overfor kæmpemæssige problemer, og det virker uundgåeligt med en gennemgående reform af især FN's sikkerhedsråd. ML påpeger, at det ville være en fordel for legitimiteten hvis man indlemmede Japan, Indien, Brasilien og Tyskland som permanente medlemmer i FN's sikkerhedsråd, og er bakket op af Eske Vinther-Jensen (EVJ). EVJ skriver i sit debatindlæg "FN har spillet fallit" at problemet med FN's sikkerhedsråd er, at de lande, der sidder inde med vetoretten ikke længere svarer til den nuværende magtbalance. For at forstå dette, må man kigge tilbage på oprettelsen af FN, hvor det virkede logisk at de 5 lande, der dengang var de 5 største politiske aktører, havde vetoret. Dog ændrer tiderne sig, og problemet nu er, at magtbalancen ikke længere er den samme. Man kan f.eks. stille spørgsmålstegn ved, om det hænger sammen, at Frankrig og Storbritannien har vetoret, når lande som Tyskland, Indien og Brasilien ikke har. Grundlæggende bør man begynde at acceptere, at det ikke kun er Vesten, der har økonomisk og politisk kapital, men at eksempelvis BRIKS-landene også begynder at røre på sig. For at FN kan overleve som reel international aktør i fremtiden, er det vigtigt, at organisationen derfor også afspejler andre interesser end de vestlige.
Hvis man ikke formår at reformere FN som organisation, vil fremtiden se meget anderledes ud. Dette bygger på, at FN simpelthen ikke kommer til at kunne varetage globale interesser, så længe det primært er de vestlige værdier, der er vægtet. Derudover vil manglen på reformering af FN føre til opløsningen af FN, og konflikter verden over (bl.a. i Afrika) har vist, at den verden vi lever i, ikke er klar til at blive overladt til sig selv.
Afsluttende kan man sige, at den enkeltes forventninger til FN er altafgørende for, om FN ses som en succes eller en fiasko. Dog er det i et fremtidigt perspektiv nødvendigt at ændre nogle strukturmæssige ting i FN-organet, og får man det ikke gjort, kan konsekvenserne være store. Personligt mener jeg, at FN er en delvis succes. Det er sundt for det globale samfund, at man har et forum, hvor lande kan mødes og diskutere internationale problemer. Grunden til, at FN i mine øjne "kun" er en delvis succes, er at reglen om konsensus hæmmer muligheden for at træffe beslutninger for meget. Jeg kan imidlertid godt forstå, at det er nødvendigt at landene er enige om, hvad der skal ske, men hvis det altid er den samme nation, der siger nej tak, er det skadeligt for det globale samfund, at et evt. løsningsgenerende organ på den måde bliver sat ud af spil.

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...1. Jack Welch launched a number of initiatives on taking charge of GE in 1981. Was there a strategy that was the driving force behind the initiatives? Were the initiatives effective in accomplishing what Welch was aiming for? When Welch became the CEO of GE in 1981, the US economy was reeling under recession. The challenge lied before the Welch to set a strategy to remain profitable through the recession and continue to be so. Welch responded by employing a strong strategy supplemented by the necessary structural changes. Welch followed the strategy of “as a unique, high spirited, entrepreneurial enterprise…… the most profitable, highly diversified company on earth with world quality leadership in every one of its product lines.” Clearly, Welch wanted the GE to be entrepreneurial, most profitable, diversified and quality leader this was the driving force behind the initiatives. Welch took the following initiatives, their effectives is tested below: a) Sell of Close – To be most profitable, GE needed to be in the business in which they had leadership and earning profits. And to come out of the businesses which were not profitable. Welch clearly articulated this by guiding to be either #1 of #2 in business of get out of it. As a result, GE sold more than 200 businesses. This initiatives was in perfect line with the strategy. Only by remaining #1 or #2, GE could remain most profitable. b) Diversification – GE made over 370 acquisitions, clearly moving on its......

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Farm Girl

...Summary of Farm Girl Anderson Jude ENG 115 Professor Chris Swindell Strayer University October 23rd, 2013 The short story Farm Girl is an in depth look at life through the eyes of a young girl growing up with her family on a farm. Throughout this non-fiction story the author Jessica Hemauer, does an amazing job of describing her surroundings to pull the reader in and make them feel like they are there with her. She begins as a younger girl describing how difficult it is for a child to awake from a deep slumber, and immediately get to work doing jobs some grown men would cringe at. “Cleaning out various huts and pens and laying down fresh straw are part of our daily duties” (Hemauer, 2011 p. 84). She continues by explaining how this is the worst of the jobs she and her siblings endure, and how the dust makes it difficult for them to breathe, but they all know there is no use in complaining because it has to be done (Hemauer, 2011). She continues her story into her teenage years describing vividly the life and struggles of a teenage girl, especially one with so many responsibilities and restrictions. While in eighth grade she describes to the reader how unusual her life is in comparison to her classmates, and how she dislikes not being able to participate in extracurricular activities. However, she finally does get the chance to be normal as she defines it. “In eighth grade I really want to play basketball, and after begging and pleading with my parents, they finally......

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