French Nationalism

The notion of nationalism plays a critical role in the development on domestic and international politics. There are cases around the globe of how ethnically related politics, or ethnopolitcs, have infiltrated the international political arena. One such case, and the focus of this essay, is the case of Basque nationalism in Spain. In order to tackle a subject of this complexity, this essay will review a brief history of the Basque people, including: historical ties to the land, language and literature. Furthermore, the political situation in both during the times of General Franco’s regime and post-Franco Spain are examined in order to analyze the politics of Basque Nationalism.
The notion of nationalism plays a critical role in the development on domestic and international politics. There are cases around the globe of how ethnically related politics, or ethnopolitcs, have infiltrated the international political arena. One such case, and the focus of this essay, is the case of Basque nationalism in Spain. In order to tackle a subject of this complexity, this essay will review a brief history of the Basque people, including: historical ties to the land, language and literature. Furthermore, the political situation in both during the times of General Franco’s regime and post-Franco Spain are examined in order to analyze the politics of Basque Nationalism.
While the history of the Basque people has been littered with political and social unrest, the Basque people have protected their culture and way of life to ensure its continued survival in the 21st century. With a collective sense of self-preservation, Basques today are not only surviving, they are growing politically, socially and economically. Tension exists, however, between the Basques and the Spanish government. This tension has led to complex and interrelated questions on a number of pressing issues, a few of which will be the focal point of this essay. What are some aspirations of Basque people in Spain? How is Basque Nationalism perceived in both Basque Country and in Spain; how do the perceptions vary within each group? Based on present relations, what, if any, possible solutions or negotiations may the Spanish government and the Basque country agree upon? And finally, what is the significance and relevance of the Basque case to the study of nationalism and ethnopolitics?
Spain is a state comprised of various nations. While there is a sense of a unified Spanish identify, there are also sub-identities. The most notable are the nations of Galicia, Basque, and Catalan. While the focus over the following pages will be on Basque Nationalism, it is important to note that this is not an issue unique to the Basque Country—though the situations develop independently of one another. Each of these nations have their own language, history, cultural attributions and sense of identity that comes with being born and raised in their respective region of Spain. This sense gives an interesting twist on the overall politics of the Spanish Nation. To begin, we must briefly explore the origins the Basque people. The Basque people can be traced back thousands of years to the same region of Europe. In “Basque nationalism’s changing discourse on the nation,” Julen Zabalo describes the connection between a region and its effect on nationalism. The historic Basque territory, located in both Spain and France (Fig. 1), and collective claim to that land acted as a catalyst for the nationalist movement. Territory and a peoples claim to that land has powerful force because it is in that geographic area where culture is born and grows, which fosters nationalist tendencies and, eventually, the desire of a state. However, the notion of nationalist movement did not take off until the late 19th century. Sobrina Arana Goira founded the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV). Goira also helped fuel and promote the creation of a Basque had required each member to prove first generation relative by surname—that would interfere with any potential political gain received from more supporters, thus changing the approach of the PNV recruitment in 1933. Not all Basques were pleased with the approach of the PNV, which lead to the creation of organized, radical extremist movements to try and reach the same goal through different means. One of the most popular radical groups to emerge was the Basque Homeland and Freedom party (ETA), founded in 1958 by Juan Madariaga. The ETA believed violence and terrorism to be the best means to achieve political ends. However, the connection between the Basques is more than just territorial and political. The existence of a shared identity had to be present for nationalist movements to gain speed. Julen Zabalo notes, “Language, culture, belonging to the same ethnic group or race, the ethnic feeling of having lived in the same place for generations, territory...history, the political will to belong to the same collectivity make up the repertory of characteristics of which nationalism can avail.” Zabalo lists what is at the very core of nationalism or, more simply, the nation.
The darkest shade is are territory of France (La Purdi, Lower Navarre, Zu Be Roa), the second darkest shade is the autonomous Basque community in Spain (Biscav, Gipuzkoa, Araba) and the largest is Upper Navarre in Spain.
When it comes to defining a nation, it is often mentioned by the historical events that took place, specifically politically and economically. These two things usually shape the environment and influence people into behaving according to societal factors. However, it is also important to mention the arts, such as music and literature, as they can play key roles in the cultural distinction of a nation and the influential aspects it has on a people. Basque literature is an important aspect of Basque culture. It is said to date back as early as 950 AD. However, with Spain’s tumultuous history and instability, there is little to be found that dates before the sixteenth century. The first evidence of prose is a letter written by Juan de Zumaraga, from the Biskay province of Spain in 1537. In 1545, Bernard Etxepare, a priest from the northern Basque country, allegedly wrote the first collection of poems to be published. This was influential because not only did it give life to the Basque language, it encouraged production in other native or vernacular languages other than Latin. Alava is the next discovered text and it is a play of 102 pages, of which it the longest at this time. Differences in dialect are undoubtedly apparent with the works of other languages at this time. However, the Basque is even more different today than it was back then. After Franco, the stabilization of the Basque people and the language, production of literary works were then introduced on a large-scale.
The Basque people refer to their region as “Euskal Herria”, literally meaning “The Land of the Basque Language”. Despite being a minority language, the Basque tongue has grown to be a political issue in both France and Spain. After the Franco regime ended in 1975, the Basque language was declared co-official with the Spanish language. While this was certainly a progressive step for the Basque people and the advancement of their culture, they sought after more—many activists fought for the Basque language to be not just a minority language, but one that was promoted through means like legislation and other public institutions. While the language has not reached this level of recognition, the eclectic language still manages to flourish and does not seem to be disappearing any time soon. Most Basque people are bilingual, speaking the dominant language of their country (Spain or France) as well as the Basque language. It is not only spoken among the Basque natives themselves, but it is also used in printing materials and other means of communication.
One interesting distinction of the Basque language is that it is not an Indo-European language. That is, it has been spoken throughout history in its own regional territory, as opposed to many other European languages that were introduced through many cultural migrations or transmissions. This distinction perhaps comes from the fact that no ancestral history has been tied to the Basque language, nor have any genetic connections to other languages been made. For these reasons, the Basque language has intrigued and drawn attention from many linguists and historians, as they try to unveil more information regarding the ominous history of this language.
Basque is one of three other co-official languages in Spain—Catalan, Galician, and Aranese. All these languages vary greatly compared to each other as well as compared to the Spanish language. Some of these languages have quite a bit of autonomy but there are still some areas where some of these languages, namely Basque, are considered endangered; for example, Navarre faces the endangerment of the Basque language because the government of this region opposes Basque nationalism.
Another part of the Basque identity that is worth mentioning is the French Basques. Spanish Basque history and French Basque history are different, and it would be wrong to assume that they are not. With that said, the French Basque evolution was not nearly as extreme as the Spanish Basque evolution. The reason is that centralization of the government took place many centuries ago in France as opposed to relatively recent in Spain. In Iparralde, there was never a strong root of Basques. Furthermore, in 1659, the Basques in France were able to keep their fueros in compliance with the French system. The affected areas of society were in religion and education where text was replaced by French but Basque was able to return to normal life. Basques were involved with French political parties, and so the effects of centralization were not felt as heavily as in Spain. Today, it is encouraged that the French-Spanish Basque border be shared. For example, there is an estimated 700,000 Basque language speakers in France and Spain, with only 80,000 in France. The border is meant to be a connection point and officials on both sides have come together in order to bring the two sides together in order to be a driving force in the world’s stage. Right now there are economic measures being taken in order to promote interregional trade and commerce. The history of these two sides allows peace and cooperation, and not the violence or unrest seen with the Basques and the rest of France or Spain.
Although Basque literature and film is generally aimed at Basque Spanish people, there are few authors who have been able to be translated into other languages, such as Bernardo Atxaga, and Ramon Saizarbitoria. Atxaga, for example, brought attention back to the ETA in 1993 when he published Gizona Bere Bakardadean which means “el hombre solo”. He is an influential writer because the members of the ETA that are portrayed in his novels are primarily people first. This means that they feel pain, loneliness, and they go through the normal human condition that everyone goes through. The main focus is not their role in the ETA. It is not an account of the attitudes and actions of the ETA members but is a depiction of their real character. What is interesting about these new novelists is that they are not particularly aimed at Basque people. It is true that they are probably understood best by Basque people, but if an outsider were to look into these movies and read these novels without knowing the background, it is likely that a reader might not assume the setting is in the Basque country. In fact, the main characters of these contemporary works have more conflict with gender role and personal identity more than Basque identity. It appears as if Basque peoples are trying to centralize themselves more into mass culture by intentionally putting their nationalism on the backburner in entertainment. On the other hand, it could also be to appeal to Basque peoples only that the ETA are normal people, just like them, and in that way-are rational, despite the violence they cause.
An important time in Spanish history was the Franco era, as it was when Spain was in between the old world and the new world. It was also an important time in Basque history. After the war, Franco wanted to unite all of Spain and also make Spain a bigger player on the world stage. He was determined to stop any opposition from groups within Spain who wanted more independence and more of their own identities. Franco banned the language, but some provinces were still able to keep their autonomy. However, the Basques wanted more than that, and were just as determined to keep their culture and ideals. For this reason, the Basque people were an important group to oppress because Franco saw them as a political threat. Out of this oppression, as stated many times before, the ETA was created and executed. Violence ensued, with the most noteworthy and primary act, the attack on Guernica. Franco did not take responsibility for it, and instead, blamed the Basques for opposition. Even though he let them keep some of their laws, ideals, trade, and other things, the repression was far more extreme than anyone let on. Franco weakened Basque society, he imprisoned the men of families, he advocated poverty and forced starvation, and withheld schooling. Because of this extreme oppression, the need for identity and to hold on to their roots became even more important to the Basques. They had to learn in private and practice in private, creating strong ties and bonds to the land and each other. In this way, it is important not to mistake the Franco era as a reconstruction area in the Basque countries, or even to claim that Spain was a nation striving for democracy. It is clear that the Basques were extremely, and in all aspects of life, broken during the Franco era, under what was a fully authoritarian government, despite claims it was not.
Basque Political Party: PNV:
Understanding this idea of a nation is the basis for the following discussion on nationalism. With this history and cultural aspects defined, it is important to understand the political situation in the Basque Country. In Basque, PNV stands for Euzko Alderdi Jeltzalea while in Spanish it is referred to as Partido Nacionalista Vasco; it is interesting to note that while the group typically refers to itself as EAJ-PNV, it even goes by a different name in the French Basque Country (Parti National Basque). Several decades after the PNV was founded, however, a split occurred in the group; the two groups were the Comunión Nacionalista Vasca and the Aberri. The former was a more traditional group who fought for greater autonomy while the latter group favored full independence for the Basque nation. The two groups eventually reunited, but not for long—during the Second Spanish Republic, this division appeared again, as those who were passionate about gaining full independence could not settle with gaining only autonomy for their beloved Basque nation. The PNV has experienced several other schisms throughout the years but has nevertheless remained a more or less powerful political party within the Spanish parliament.
One notable milestone for the Basque Nationalist Party occurred during the 2004 Spanish elections; 208 seats were up for election in the Senate and the Basque Nationalists successfully obtained six of those seats. Later, in the 2008 legislative elections for the Cortes Generales, the Basque Country played a significant role in the ultimate outcome of these elections. Unfortunately for the PNV, they did not manage to keep their MP elected for Guipuzcoa in the Spanish Parliament. However, most of the seats gained by the PSOE (who won this election) came from the Basque Country as well as Catalonia, thus illustrating their ability to prove themselves as an important and influential region of Spain. The most recent elections in Spain, held in 2011 for the Cortes Generales, also saw a few seats won by the Basque Nationalist Party, but not enough to make a significant difference.
Basque and Spanish Identities:
Before analyzing the differences between both groups on Basque nationalism, it is crucial to understand the Basque and Spanish perspective of the other. Daniel Guérin and Rejan Pelletier researched perspectives of those who considered themselves either first and foremost Spanish, Basque or Catalan. One study, named “Percentage of respondents willing to give different civil liberties to the members of their least-liked group,” looked at the willingness of each group to give another the rights to hold public office, teach in our schools and hold a public demonstration. The results were, 46% of first and foremost Basque respondents were willing to give at least one of these civil liberties to their least liked group, compared to the 26.5% of first and foremost Spanish. Guérin and Pelletier assert, “...Nationalists in the Basque Country and those who consider themselves in Catalonia are more tolerant than people who consider themselves only as Spanish.” From this study, it is made explicit that Spanish nationalists lack tolerance for the Basque and Catalan nationalities, which has a direct effect on how the Basque Nationalist Movement as a whole is perceived by many Spaniards—the majority ethnic group. Yet, neither result is one to look at as a sign of tolerance. The majority of Basques did not favor granting civil liberties to their least favorite ethnic group, which shows that while there may be more tolerance among Basque nationalists than their Spanish counterparts, it is not overwhelming.
Perspectives on Basque Nationalism and Basque Extremism:
Now, to look more in depth to both Basque Nationalist Movement and those who support Spanish government, it is essential to look into the prominent perspectives and aspirations of each. At the forefront of this discussion on Basque Nationalism is the looming question of Basque extremism. There are two kinds of Basque extremist addressed here: the radical who engages in political violence and the secessionist. Among these two groups there are common aspirations, yet critical differences important to the understanding of how their roles take effect in the reality of nationalism. Groups like the ETA have been instilled fear by violence for decades. Their perspective is to achieve Basque independence at any coast. In “Nationalism and Nostalgia,” Diego Muro describes how radicals use the past—specifically a beautified image of how the old Basque country was—to justify their means to regain what is, disputably, rightfully theirs. Often, organizations like the ETA are aware of the massive effect violence has to the whole, and the use it as a catalyst for collective action. The purpose of violent radical Basque Nationalist organizations, as is any other terrorist group, is to provoke fear or terror: fear to descent and fear of the use of continued, unnecessary violence. Muro, in the essence of violent extremism, declares, “The state of Autonomies and the statue given to the Basques is clearly insufficient and a new political arrangement is required...Since democracy is nothing more than a facade from an authoritarian regime, there is no reason why the ETA should change its tactical use of violence.” This form of extremism promotes an idealistic image of the Basque Country to justify political violence. It is important to note here, which will be discussed further in the following section, that the ETA declared a cease to violence in 2010. On the other hand, there are the ideological extremists who tentatively agree with violent extremists by demanding and aspiring to complete independence of the Basque Country. This form of extremism is portrayed in the belief that independence is best acquired through secession from Spain. There is a fine and clear distinction between the ideological extremists and the violent extremists; those who are in favor of secession do not promote violence, but rather a legal approach to the issue are defined here as the ideological extremists.
Contrarily, the Basque Nationalist Movement also includes a very moderate approach to the issue. These moderates are usually in agreement with the PNV, and do not necessarily see independence as the final goal. This means, these Basque Nationalists are willing to work within the constitutional framework of Spain. Article II (National Unity, Regional Autonomy) of the 1978 Spanish constitution reads:
“The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards, and recognizes and guarantees the right to autonomy to the nationalities and regions which make it up and the solidarity among them.”
This Article takes away the constitutional ability to secede from the state as a whole, but the right to autonomy is codified. These moderates are still Basque Nationalists, but have no desire to edge on the Spanish government with the weight of the constitution against them. Since the Franco era, the new Spanish constitution allowed for the three provinces to be united and be called the Basque Autonomous Community. They have their own parliament, police force, school system, and taxation laws. Still this did not satisfy everyone. Spanish laws such as employment, customs, and involvement in foreign relations, are still controlled by the central government. Again, this is contradictory to what was promised to the Basques at the end of the Franco era.
The position taken by the Spanish government and shared in Spanish popular thought on the notion of Basque Nationalism is quite similar to the moderate Basque nationalists. The majority opinion of Spaniards is to follow the guidelines of the 1978 constitution. There is another, less popular, view on the Basque Nationalist movement, however. The argument, as presented in Basque-Atlantic Shores by Fernando Molina and Pedro Oiarzabal, is that the ideals of Basque Nationalism have been echoed from across the Atlantic, which means that people of various heritages, countries and ideologies have claimed, rightfully or not, connection to Basque people. The Basque identity has been used to fuel political movements targeted at imperial Spanish rule throughout South America, including in Argentina, Chile, Venezuela, and others. The authors write, “Basque identity has continued to reconstruct itself as a transnational, de-territorialized and diasporic identity that creates common identitarian space on both sides of the Atlantic...Consequently, Basque culture became a transatlantic network of multiple identifications, loyalties, and consciousnesses...” This perspective argues the legitimacy of a united Basque nation and, if there is no nation, there is no need for a state. Either Spanish perspective, however, leads a consensus to utilize the constitutional framework that is already in place in regards to sub-state nationalities.
Present political tension between the Spanish government and the Basques can only be effectively analyzed when equipped with the proper understanding of these prominent perspectives. The most notable of recent events is the publicized ceasefire announcement given by masked leaders of the ETA on September 5, 2010. The Spanish government remains doubtful of the ETA’s commitment to peace. The Economist reported the Interior Minister, Alfredo Rubalcaba, comment that the last ceasefire (1999-2006) the “ETA was merely using as a pause to reorganize.” However, there may be reason to believe in the ETA’s truce from a trend of denouncing violent acts and tentative peace proposals with other radical parties. According to Basque Parliamentary elections reported in The Economist, voters are losing confidence in the ETA as votes fell from 18% in 1998 to 12% in 2005. The ETA was banned from regional elections in 2009, showing discontent amongst the Basque people—the core of any political party—towards violent actions. Furthermore, the banned Bastasunda party and “thousands of radical supporters” have called for the ETA to renounce the use of violence. As an organization, there has been a reduction in the number of deaths attributed to the ETA (table 1).
These are promising signs to the end of political violence from ETA. Doubt lingers, though, as Spanish government refuses to “settle for anything less than a permanent end to violence,” and others fear it is only a political move to regain support of Basque voters.
Another promising sign of political cooperation was former Prime Minster Zapatero’s agreement to Iñigo Urkullu, the current chairman of the PNV, to ensure the passage of the minority budget. While neither the ceasefire of the ETA nor the passage of the minority budget are guaranteed in a long-term sense, it is the effort for mutual cooperation that will help ease tensions between the PNV and the Spanish government.
In light of these careful, but positive, steps forward, negotiations and settlements in the future are more than likely. The solutions presented by the Basque Country with most potential and support are: amendment to the constitution to allow for a right to self-determination or declaring Basque Country a Free State with Association to Spain. Steven Roach presents in A Constitutional Right to Secede, he denotes the importance of a carefully worded and highly restrictive amendment would ease political mistrust and tension between Basque separatists and the Spanish government. The latter argument to have a Free State with Association to Spain is a settlement that would have to be well articulated in order for tensions not to increase if the Basque country were to become free, but are still tied to Spain. While Spain would be able to quietly let Basque Country become its own nation, but not lose credibility. Ether one of the proposals would have to be done carefully and deliberately to ensure each side understood and agreed with the proposal to avoid increased tension or the return to violence.
After researching, analyzing and discussing the data and the perspective of the Basque case, the best approach appears to be staying within the constitutional framework and seek change from there. Regardless of the method, solution or approach, any negotiations will be long and difficult in order to please due to the multifaceted nature of the conflict. However, to stay within the constitutional construct, Spain keeps its international reputation—maintaining rule of law—but it allows Basques to increase independence. As it is now, the autonomous Basque Country controls education, healthcare and other social services. André Lecours’s position in Radical and Moderate Basque Nationalism on “transferring new powers to Basque government” and “re-[define] Spain as a multinational rather than a nation-state,” are both effective, peaceful, and will result in Basques receiving more independence and recognizes them as a self-determined people, while Spain can ease tension and abide by Article II of the constitution.
The case of the Basques in Spain is one of high emotion, tense relationships, and a desire for peace and legitimacy. The study of nationalism and ethnopolitics in regards to the Basque case notes a broader significance to international relations. In terms of nationalism, this case study has showed the application of dueling nationalisms in a single society. Like Daniel Guérin and Rejan Pelletier addressed, if the type of nationalism and the means of implementing are radically different, then tension and mistrust arise. This can mean the adherence to civil liberties, kinds of government desired, and approaches to collective problems all differ based on nationality. The Basque case showed tensions that arise from multi-national groups in one state, both laying claim to one area. This dispute over land based on nationality is echoed around the world, because without land there is no ensuring a people will be successively able to stay united, which inhibits the promotion and growth of culture, and thus the nation as a whole. The significance of the Basque case is relevant to the study of nationalism because its proves the inseparability of all things contributing to nation, and the nations crucial to nationalism, which promotes the acquirement of a state. Missing a step or key ingredient causes that nationalism to search for a new balance. Furthermore, the challenge of sub-state nationalities with dual representation, as in the case of the Basque, is relevant to the study of nationalism to see how, even within nation, views conflict and how each perspective plays a role.
In regards to ethnopolitics, the case of the Basque Country has been relatively peaceful in the last 30 years. Other other ethnical charged situations around the world in the same timeframe has given way to a series of horrifying humanitarian crisis. This is relevant to the overall study of ethnopolitics because ethnic problems are not always visible on the surface, but are buried in with history and traditions of the peoples involved. This further more is relevant to the study of international relations because it depicts how ethnics play a role in both domestic and international aid, distribution of power and wealth, and conflicts that would hinder economic and political growth. The case of the Basque is an intricate, complex one. In the case of Basque Nationalism, the perceptions and aspirations and means of implementation all have a direct effect on the political condition and relationship between the Basques and the Spanish government. Through the course of the paper, the questions of Basque aspirations in Spain, the perception of the Basque Nationalist movement, the present political climate and the possibility of negotiations in the future, as well as the broader significance of Basque nationalism and its relevance to the study of nationalism and ethnopolitics have been addressed. These questions were specifically confronted by presenting, evaluating, and analyzing data essential to answering these questions. From this, I have drawn my own conclusion based on outside articles and the analysis of data presented earlier. Basque Nationalism, in depth, is a complex web of heightened emotions, strain, and radical extremists trying to solve the same issues, but at a far, Basques are examples of the nationalism and ethnic based politics happening all around the world.

Biblographia:

1. Julen Zabalo, “Basque nationalism’s changing discourse on the nation” in Social Identities vol 14, issue 6(2008): 795-811, Academic Search Complete, EBSCO, October 2010 .

2. “Not-fighting talk,” The Economist (2009) 23 October 2010 http://www.economist.com/node/%2016996966?story_id=16996966&CFID=147861527&CFTOKEN=98311461 3. Julen Zabalo,“Basque nationalism’s changing discourse on the nation” 4 Maps, Social Identities vol 14, issue 6(2008), 798, Academic Search Complete, EBSCO, Oct 2010: http://web.ebscohost.com.libproxy.udayton.edu 4. Robert Lawrence Trask., The History of Basque (London: Routledge, 1997): http://books.google.es/books?id=OiemTo_t5r8C&pg=PA362&lpg=PA362&dq=Trask,+L.+The+History+of+Basque+Routledge+199 5. Alan R. King, The Basque Language: A Practical Introduction (Reno, Nevada: University of Reno Press, 1994): http://books.google.es/books?id=mLjQdPqL3bEC&printsec=frontcover&hl=es&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false

6. Stanley G. Payne, ed. William A. Douglas, Basque Nationalism (Reno, Nevada: University of Nevada Press, 1975) http://books.google.es/books?id=5waFro1gJTYC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Basque&hl=en&sa=X&ei=gbqzT4H1MaKk0QWk2YSACw&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Basque&f=false

7. Kalyna Macko, The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation (Pell Scholars and Senior Theses: Salve Regina University, 2011)

8. Basque Nationalist Party: Wikipedia : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basque_Nationalist_Party .

9. Daniel Guerin and Rejean Pelletirt, “Cultural Nationalism and Political Tolerance in Advanced Industrial Societies: The Basque Country and Catalonia,” Nationalism & Ethnic Politics vol 6 issue 4 (2000).

10. Academic Search Complete, EBSCO, 17 October 2010: http://web.ebscohost.com.libproxy.udayton.edu 11. Spanish Constitution Article 2

12. Fernando Molina and Pedro J. Oiarzzabi, “Basque-Atlantic shores: ethnicity, the nation-state and the diaspora in Europe and America (1808-1898)”, Ethnic & Racial Studies Vol 32 issue 4(2009):(711), October, 2010 Academic Search complete, EBSCO

13. Andre Lecours, “Radical and Moderate Basque Nationalism :Investigating Strategies for Accommodation,” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii,(2009):1-34, 14. “Not-fighting talk,” The Economist, Table (Reduction in toll of deaths attributed to ETA), (Madrid:2009) 23 October, 2010

15. “Zapatero’s endgame,” The Economist, (Madrrid:2010) 23 October 2010 : http://www.economist.com/node/17312085?story_id=17312085&CFID=147861527&CFTOKEN=98311461

16. Lt.Cl. Manuel Romero Carril, Basque Nationalism:History, Roots and Possible Solutions (Carlisle,PA: US Army War College, 2004), 8-16.

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