Name Lawrence

Surname Mukuku

Course Governance in Zimbabwe

1. The negotiations for transition in Zimbabwe were essentially about preserving white interests in Zimbabwe. Discuss in relation with the (i) The Home-Smith Settlement Proposals, (ii)Détente, (ii) The Anglo-American Initiative, (iii)The Geneva Conference and (iv) The Malta Conference

During the struggle of Zimbabwe, when the war between the nationalist and the Smith regime was intensifying efforts were made by various countries such as Britain, South Africa, United States of America, Zambia, Botswana and Malawi to find or to implement peaceful ways by which Southern Rhodesia would achieve its independence other than violence. These strategies included the Home Smith proposals, Détente, The Anglo-American Initiative, The Geneva Conference and The Malta Conference. However these failed to achieve independence in Southern Rhodesia as they entrenched the interests of the whites, and failed to gain favour in the eyes of the nationalist. This essay will look at how each of these talks entrenched the interest of the white settlers.

Home- Smith settlement proposals 1971-4
The period from 1971-1974 was a period marked by the Anglo- Rhodesian settlement proposals. For the first time during this period Africans became the masters of their own fate. The period also marked the emergence of African National Council by Muzorewa and Zvobgo and the intensification of the armed struggle. (Ngunyoni and Nyandoro1979; p 187)
24 November 1971 The Smith-Home pact was signed, Home persuaded Smith to increase African representation in Parliament; majority rule to start in the next century. Britain also announced that recognition was based on the Pearce Commission's findings on Black African opinion (which showed that the Africans were hostile to the regime). 25 November 1971 Proposals for the settlement based on the five principals are outlined in Parliament. Under these, the 1969 Rhodesian Constitution (which permanently denied Africans a majority in the House of Assembly) would be modified. (Ngunyoni and Nyandoro1979; p224) The African franchise would be considerably widened, and provision for unimpeded progress towards majority rule made.
Under the Home- Smith settlement Individual ownership of land on Africans was returned but Africans were forced to accept a constitution which returned the Land tenure Act, whose purpose was to entrench half of the country 44, 948,300 acres for use by the 249 000 whites. On the issue of ownership of houses and buildings in the urban areas they were reserved for the whites and the communal areas for the blacks, if a black owns a house in the urban areas it would be under strict supervision of the government. (Ngunyoni and Nyandoro1979; p 222) From the above contention one can note that the Home Smith settlements entrenched the interest of the white settlers for instance the whites knew that industry and commerce would grow in the urban areas hence it made them strong in terms of economy. The Home Smith proposals also entrenched the settler’s interests for instance; for one an African inorder to go to a secondary school, the educational qualifications required a combination with either income or immovable assert. (Meredith 1979; p167) European education was made free whilst education for Africans was not. Under these policies only 12, 5 % of African children were able to go to secondary schools; the number of Africans going to school was kept in check. (Meredith 1979; p163)

When it comes to the Declaration of rights it was also included in the proposals but, looking at it closely one might discover that it was ineffectual and of little value to the citizens (Black citizens). Under the declaration of rights in the proposals courts would not be able to exercise any powers if measures taken against an individual or a group of individuals who were taken under legislation passed more than 10 years before the Declaration of Rights came into force from this one can note that these provisions were aimed at protecting all oppressive and discriminatory legislation. According to Joshua Nkomo “… these proposals are a superficial modification of the 1969 illegal constitution whose main purpose is to entrench, maintain and enforce the oppressive and discriminatory practises in this country permanently” (Ngunyoni and Nyandoro1979 p221) With the failure of the Home Smith proposal and with the winds of change affecting Angola this led to adaption of another tactic the Détente.
Détente

It was engineered by the arch- apartheidist John Vorster of South Africa. In a speech to the South African Senate on 23 October I974, Prime Minister Vorster declared that the situation in Southern Africa had reached a point at which a choice had to be made between peaceful negotiations on the one hand, or escalating strife on the other. He offered Africa 'the way of peace'. Within three days President Kaunda responded favourably, on a graduation day in his speech he described Vorster's overture as 'the voice of reason for which Africa and the world have been waiting for many years.’ It was a period of coexistence of the armed struggle inorder to achieve ‘majority rule’ in Southern Rhodesia. The so called Vorster- Kaunda détente resulted in the Lusaka Declaration of Unity on 7 December 1974, the release of African leaders from detention, the frustration of the armed struggle and the abortive Victoria Falls bridge talks.
The détente period was characterised by non violent means in which oppression would be removed from the Zimbabwean soil and for that reason it was by all opportunist, local African petty bourgeois class who claimed that it was the most conventional way by which Africans would get majority rule. (Ngunyoni and Gideon Nyandoro1979; p335) Vorster was convinced that, by sacrificing Rhodesia and Namibia, it could save itself. Not only would the major obstacles to detente be removed, but the diplomatic credit thus earned with African states would enable South Africa to buy immunity or, at the very least, would deter neighbouring states from offering hospitality to South African freedom fighters
However the Détente did entrenched the settlers interest at heart for instance for instance looking at the issue of majority it was not fully discussed or it did not guarantee majority rule The Plan that Smith had proposed the was a sensible accommodation with the black chiefs who he called ‘the true representatives of the people’ not the African nationalist. (Rhodesia: The Challenge to Détente, Elaine Windrich http://www.jstor.org/stable/40394874, Accessed: 05/11/2012) Looking also at the person who initiated this détente exercise he was a white supremest who was trying to buy time for nationalism not to spill to his country, so there was no guarantee of majority rule in Southern Rhodesia. According to Michael Mawena the détente divided the members of the OAU who had been committed to supporting African nationalist in Southern Rhodesia. He says one group was forced to accept the Smith regime and the other supported the Chimurenga with a wait and see attitude. The détente showing that it was entrenched to save the interest of the whites it gave Smith some time to regroup his army. (Ngunyoni and Nyandoro1979; p335) The failure of the détente led to the adaption of another tactic which was the Anglo American initiative.
Anglo American initiative:

This was a proposal developed by the United States and Great Britain in an attempt to bring an end to the military conflict in Rhodesia by invoking majority rule. The Anglo-American proposals for settlement of the Rhodesian problem are based on the following elements: the surrender of power by the illegal regime and a return to legality; an orderly and peaceful transition to independence in the course of 1978; free and impartial elections on the basis of universal adult suffrage; the establishment by the British Government of a transitional administration with the task of conducting the elections for an independent government; the presence of United Nations force, during the transitional period; an Independence Constitution providing for a democratically elected government, the abolition of discrimination, the protection of individual human rights, and the independence of the judiciary; a Development Fund to revive the economy of the country which the United Kingdom and the United States view as predicated upon the implementation of the settlement as a whole. Rhodesia: (An Assessment of the Viability of the Anglo-American Proposals, Masipula Sithole http://www.jstor.org/stable/20671759, Accessed: 05/11/2012)

Smith expressed that he was willing to attend talks, but the leading nationalists, Mugabe and Nkomo (now leading the Patriotic Front, or PF) were not willing if the United States was a leader, likely due to American affiliations with South Africa.
Paragraph 3 (b) of the Proposals for a Settlement in Rhodesia envisaged the installation of a neutral caretaker administration whose primary role, in addition to administering the country, would be the organization and conduct of elections in conditions of peace and security and the preparation of the country for the transition to independence. This period would be as short as possible, and in any case, not more than six months. During this interim period the people of Zimbabwe as a whole would be enfranchised under the assumed conditions of "neutrality, peace, and security." "Free and impartial" elections would be conducted to choose a national government. (Rhodesia: An Assessment of the Viability of the Anglo-American Proposals, Masipula Sithole http://www.jstor.org/stable/20671759, Accessed: 05/11/2012)

The question now must be asked whether a British interim administration in Rhodesia were the best and most realistic instrument for the proposed task. The point is that the need for a British interim administration in Rhodesia should not be predicated on the assumption that it would be free and impartial. It does not have to be. At best, the chances for impartiality are 50-50 at worst, they would not exist if it was initiated thus Sithole initiated that “perhaps we should look at this only as the lesser of many evils.” Looking also at the issue of elections it was stipulated that they would be free and impartial but, there was no tangible guarantee of freedom and impartiality in the proposed British interim administration aside from platitudes and promises to that effect. (Rhodesia: An Assessment of the Viability of the Anglo-American Proposals, Masipula Sithole http://www.jstor.org/stable/20671759, Accessed: 05/11/2012)

The Geneva Conference:

October 28, 1976 the Geneva Conference on Kissinger Plan, under chairmanship of Mr Ivor Richard. Delegations representing the Rhodesia Front (led by Mr Smith), and nationalist movements (led by Mr Nkomo, Bishop Muzorewa, Rev. Sithole and Mr Mugabe) attend. Plenary sessions are also attended by government observers from Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia, and representatives of the Organisation of African Unity and the Commonwealth Secretariat. After discussing a possible date for independence, the conference turns to the central issue of the structure and functions of an interim government. The
Nationalists were not prepared to negotiate on the basis of the five points accepted by Mr Smith. (Meredith1979; p197)

The Chairman Ivor Richard tried to draw up a compromise using the Kissinger initiative and these proposal included; The formation of a transitional government would be headed by an interim commissioner appointed by the British government, a council of ministers would contain equal members from each of the political groups represented by the delegations to Geneva conference and a further similar number of members appointed by the interim commissioner from among members of the European minority, it would thus have a substantial African minority. (Meredith1979; p197)The leaders of the delegations to Geneva would be members of the national council of ministers and would together form an inner cabinet and would have full executive and legislative competence for the government of Rhodesia. (Meredith1979, p198)
The Geneva conference never stood much of a chance of producing a final constitutional settlement leading to independence. The African nationalists were not willing to accept the implementation of the Kissinger plan because it was characterized by the entrenchment interest of the white settler because it favored them mostly.
The Malta Conference
The Malta conference or the Kilimanjaro conference started on January 30 1977 to 1 February 1978 delegates at the conference included the USA and the British officials, Rhodesian government and the Nationalist delegates. The Nationalist insisted on a transitional period which would last only for six months. (Mugabe 1983, p97) The British however rejected this proposal and wanted the portfolio of defense and law and order to be assumed by them. The British government also wanted Smith, Muzorewa and Sithole to be included as equal partners with the nationalist in the governing council proposed by the nationalist and that they would have a place in the new Zimbabwe. (Mugabe 1983, p97) From these proposals one can note that these proposals drawn up the British government entrenched the interest of the whites.

In conclusion of the above one can note that these tactics which were used inorder to achieve independence or majority rule in Southern Rhodesia did not work because they were entrenched to save the interests of the whites and not that of the blacks.

Bibliography:

Kenneth, Y. (1969) Rhodesia Independence, London, J. M. Dent & sons ltd.

Mugabe, R. (1983) Our War of Liberation, Gweru, Mambo Press.

Meredith, M. (1979) The past is another country: Rhodesia 1890-1979, London, Andre Deutsh publication.

Ngunyoni C and Nyandoro G. (1979) Zimbabwe Independence Movements: Selected Documents, Rex Collins, London.

Rhodesia: The Challenge to Détente, Elaine Windrich http://www.jstor.org/stable/40394874 (Accessed: 05/11/2012)

Rhodesia: An Assessment of the Viability of the Anglo-American Proposals, Masipula Sithole http://www.jstor.org/stable/20671759. (Accessed: 05/11/2012)