Explain Inoue's argument that "the copy precedes the original." Compare the Japanese data to the data presented by Agha, Moore, and/or Kiesling.

In this essay I will be discussing Inuoe’s concept of a “copy preceding the original” in terms of her research on Japanese women’s language and then comparing it to the works written by Agha (2003), Moore (2007; 2011) and Kiesling (2004). Agha (2003) concerns himself on the subject of accent and standardised English within Britain, while Moore (2007 & 2011) looks at accent within the Irish context and how the media directly influences its production. The last of these, Kiesling (2004), looks at the origins of the word “dude” becoming an integral part of conversation among both young men and women. All of these contain the same element when it comes to the emergence of a linguistic discourse – a copy precedes the original.
Japanese women’s language is first and foremost a series of linguistic constructs and meanings that are only exclusive to women (Inoue, 2006). It is associated with feminine characteristics, such as being delicate, polite, gentle and non-aggressive. All that is women’s language is strictly Japanese – it encompasses history, culture, tradition, and politics, while going against Western culture (Inoue, 2006). While being such an essential component to Japanese-ness, most women (especially those in regional areas and the working class) are not able to produce women’s language, nor have direct access to it (Inoue, 2006). Inuoe (2006) herself writes that she had never encountered direct contact with “women’s language”; all her experiences as a child with women’s language came from the media – mostly television. She explains that for her, women’s language was strictly something to be heard and not produced; with the anecdote of overhearing dubbed western films through a screen door after her bedtime. It is explained that it is the language of “whiteness”, and she witnessed these white women speaking women’s language perfectly – in advertisements to sell products directed at women. Despite this, Inuoe (2006) was able to produce women’s language (or what she thought was women’s language), but only through the personification of her dolls – “We ... let our Licca-chan speak like women on TV” (Inoue, 2006. pg 6).
Inuoe’s first direct experience with women’s language occurred when she visited a relative whom lived in the capital, Tokyo. Despite having face to face interaction with those who actively spoke women’s language, it was the “inauthentic” voices from women on the television screen that became the original women’s language for her (Inuoe, 2006). Here she concludes, that the “copy precedes the original” – everything she knew about women’s language was from indirect voices (Inuoe, 2006). Inuoe (2006) was not the only one who experienced the disembodied voices coming from a TV. For many women living in the outskirts of the city, or who were a part of the working class, the original women’s language is the voice from the media, and it was to be only consumed and not used (Inuoe, 2006). What’s interesting about these “copies” is that they are entirely necessary for the existence of women’s language. These mass produced versions (such as the print media) of perfect women’s language were seen by many as originals, before witnessing living breathing women actually speaking in this manner (Inuoe, 2006). The copies act as “supplements” for something that appears to be whole – one cannot exist without another (Inuoe, 2006).
An example of a copy preceding the original is that of the “schoolgirl” and its connection to women’s language. Occurring around 1887 until the First World War, the first reports of “vulgar” sounds coming from the mouths of young women were recorded (Inuoe, 2006). These young women were the daughters of the elite who were now attending secondary school. The language they were speaking was seen (by males) as a mocking of the articulate language used by male students (Inuoe, 2006). These “schoolgirls” became public figures, visually consumed, and symbols of modernisation. The image of the schoolgirl became increasingly reproduced, turning these “schoolgirls” into aesthetic objects (Inuoe, 2006). As these images spread throughout the media, they soon became “inscribed on the bodies of living young women” (Inuoe, 2006). The speech associated with these schoolgirls was considered “sugary and shallow” until its continued use transformed it into the delicate women’s language that is romanticised today. What is seen here is the unrefined, derivative copy coming before the “original” (Inuoe, 2006).

In Agha’s article The social life of cultural value, he writes about the topic of the social status of accent and Standard British English (Received Pronunciation). Received Pronunciation is seen as the “correct” way to speak English, but is actually spoken by very few; instead it was dubbed as an “accent” instead of a standard way of speaking (Agha, 2003). An “accent” itself implies that there is a model from which a way of speaking is derived from, attached to social identities – with some accents more accepted than others (Agha, 2003). In this respect I will be comparing Inuoe’s definition of Japanese women’s language to that of an accent in British terms. Received Pronunciation holds similar value to that of Japanese women’s language – it is highly esteemed and is thought to mostly belong to the middle and upper classes. Although Received Pronunciation is not limited to one gender, is it widely recognised and regularly overheard by the population, in the form of radio and television (Agha, 2003). Despite its high value among citizens, a very small number actually produce it – just like the Japanese and women’s language. Just about everyone in Britain has a mental image of received pronunciation, due to its mass production in the media (Agha, 2003), and just like the “copies” of women’s language, the majority of Britons are more likely to hear a copy of received pronunciation before experiencing it face to face.
Agha (2003) writes that in 19th century Britain a series of guides or handbooks were widely available to the population, all outlining pronunciation, grammar and even etiquette. The readers of the handbooks were not limited by class: they were available to everyone (Agha, 2003). It was hoped that the mass production would then result in the public speaking to a standard. To those in the working class, these works gave the prospect of moving up a social group through the use of Received Pronunciation (Agha, 2003). It is the same with women’s language – through the speaking in this manner one may appear to instantly become a part of the modern middle class.
In the late 19th century, with the expansion of public schooling, there was constant distribution of images in novels and other literature, which made the “public school accent” recognisable to a population larger than those who had direct interaction (Agha, 2003). Continuing on schooling, teachers were correcting their students on their speech to achieve the standard of English (Agha, 2003). As the child is increasingly learning to reproduce this standard, the teacher actually replicates the student since they were not able to produce the standard themselves (Agha, 2003). Here is an excellent example of a failed “copy” creating an original.
In conclusion to the comparison between the works of Agha (2003) and Inuoe (2006), linguistic discourse in both writings consist of mass produced copies which are indeed the original for those who do not have direct access to said discourse.