Journal of Ell viron mental Psychology (1995) 15, 169-182
© 1995 Academic Press Limited

0272-4944/95/030169+ 14$12.0010

~ ENVIRONMENTAL

~ P~Y~HOLOGY

THE RESTORATIVE BENEFITS OF NATURE:

TOWARD AN INTEGRATIVE FRAM~WORK

STEPHEN KAPLAN

Department ofPsychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, !ll148109-1109, U.$.A.

Abstract
Directed attention plays an important role in human information processing; its fatigue, in turn, has far­ reaching consequences. Attention Restoration Theory provides an analysis of the kinds of experiences that lead to recovery from such fatigue. Natural environments turn out to be particularly rich in the character­ istics necessary for restorative experiences. An integrative framework is proposed that places both directed attention and stress in the larger context of human-environment relationships.
© 1995 Academic Press Limited

Introduction
Evidence pointing to the psychological benefits of nature has accumulated at a remarkable rate in a relatively short period of time. Whether a theoreti­ cal understanding of these restorative influences has kept pace with the empirical work is, however, less clear. As Hartig and Evans (1993) have pointed out, theory in' this area has been dominated by con­ flicting positions, one enlphasizing stress reduction
(Ulrich, 1983) and the other concerned with recov­ ery of the capacity to focus attention (Kaplan &
Talbot, 1983; Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). While it might be argued that these positions are hopelessly far apart, Hartig and Evans hold out hope for a syn­ thesis. The purpose of this paper is to propose a way in which such an integration might be achieved.
A synthesis requires first that there be something to synthesize. There must be entities or ideas dis­ tinct enough and useful enough to warrant syn­ thesis. One piece of this is simple to achieve; there is no disagreement over the point that stress is a meaningful concept and that stress reduction is aided by natural environment experience. Ulrich ct al. (991), however, have questioned the usefulness of the attentional concept in this context, and have suggested that the performance deficits found in research on attentional fatigue can be understood simply as effects of stress.

Given these questions and alternative interpret­ ation, it seems appropriate to begin by focusing on
'directed attention' and its role in the Attention Res­ toration Theory. Several studies that examine the relationship between the natural environment and restoration are then presented. This lays the groundwork for proposing an integrative framework which focuses on the causal matrix that connects stress and attention. Finally, the paper offers some directions for future research and concludes with a brief ana lysis of the merits of distinguishing between stress and attentional factors.
Directed attention

An important source for the attention constructs central to Attention Restoration Theory is the work of William James (1892). His 'voluntary attention' concept concerned the kind of attention that went
'against the grain', as it were. It was to be employed when something did not of itself attract attention, but when it was important to attend nonetheless.
Thus James emphasized the centrality of effort in the employment of this kind of attention. Certainly the themes of 'voluntary' and 'effort' suggest the functioning of the will, a topic of considerable inter­ est to James. And in fact, by turning to his dis­ cussion of will, it is possible to gain still further insight into his thinking on this issue. In exploring

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how one can support a weak intention, such as a thought of something one ought to do but finds diffi­ cult, James indicated that the only hope was to inhibit all distractions. There was no way, he felt, to strengthen the weak intention itself. The only sup­ port one could provide required protecting it from competing thoughts.
While James did not explicitly relate his dis­ cussions of the will and of voluntary attention, it is evident that in both cases the central construct is
-that of focus, of supporting difficult mental activity in the face of potential distraction. Bringing these two Jamesean themes together yields a more gen­ eral mechanism than either would be separately. It also suggests an interesting and far-reaching hypothesis about the operation of this mechanism, namely that it is inhibitory in nature. Although
James did not use the term 'inhibition', a mechan­ ism whose operation depends on the suppression of competing activity must exert an inhibitory influence. An attentional mechanism that requires effort, that can be brought under voluntary control, and that depends upon inhibition for its operation offers substantial explanatory promise. James' writings suggested this juxtaposition about a century ago; it is remarkable that this potentially powerful theor­ etical tool has been ignored for so long.
Although James emphasized the role of effort in the voluntary attention concept, he did not address the possibility that this mechanism was susceptible to fatigue. While not having as well developed a con­ cept of attention, the eminent landscape architect
-Frederick Law Olmsted not only understood the possibility that the capacity to focus might be fatigued, he also recognized the need for urban dwel)ers to recover this capacity in the context of nature. This was evident both in his approach to the design of parks, and, quite explicitly, in his writing as well (Olmsted, 1865).
More recently, clinical neurologists, working with brain-clamaged patients, have identified a remark­ ably similar mechanism that they refer to as
'directed attention' (Mesulam, 1985). Interestingly, they relate deficits in directed attention to damage to the prefrontal cortex, a portion of the brain that has long been associated with an inhibitory role in mental functioning (Rothbart & Posner, 1985).
Since the concern of clinical neurologists is with rehabilitation, their emphasis is less on specific information-processing capabilities than it is on the broader issue of getting along in the world. Thus they have been particularly concerned with the role of directed attention in 'executive functioning', the

capability necessary to lead an organized and pur­ posefullife (Lezak, 1982; Stuss & Benson, 1986).
While inspired by James' notion of voluntary attention for some time (e.g. Kaplan, 1973), we have shifted to calling this concept 'directed attention' as it avoids confusions others have had with James' terminology (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989).
Directed attention fatigue and basic processes.
Drawing together these various themes yields a mechanism with the following ,properties: requires effort, plays a central rol'e in achieving focus, is under voluntary control (at least some of \ the time), is susceptible to fatigue, and controls dis- I traction through the use of inhibitio~..__ While "t1ie-' coherence and usefulness of this concept may not be immediately obvious, in fact it is quite familiar.
,What is familiar, however, is not the mechanisnl itself, but the state of mind that accompanies its fatigue. Any time one has worked intensely on a project and subsequently finds oneself mentally exhausted, one has experienced this unwelcome state. The typical state of mind of students at the end of a semester is a familiar example. In fact, even a thoroughly enjoyable project, if sufficiently intense and sufficiently prolonged, is likely to lead to this same outcome.
More formally, any prolonged mental effort leads to directed attention fatigue. It might seem peculiar that a mechanism so intimately involved with human effectiveness would be so susceptible to fatigue. Yet, in evolutionary perspective, this appar­ ent limitation might have been quite reasonable. To be able to pay attention by choice to one particular thing for a long period of time would make one vul­ nerable to surprises. Being vigilant, being alert to one's surroundings may have been far nlOre import­ ant than the capacity for long and intense concen­ tration. Further, much of what was important to the evolving human-wild animals, danger, caves, blood, to name a few examples-was (and still is) innately fascinating and thus does not require directed attention. It is only in the modern world that the split between the important and the inter­ esting has become extreme. All too often the modern human must exert effort to do the important while resisting distraction from the interesting. Thus the problem of fatigue of directed attention may well be of comparatively recent vintage.

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The importance of directed attention. One might

wonder just how important directed attention

fatigue is. Granted that scholars who need to con­

centrate for long periods of time might be disadvan­

The Restorative Benefits of Nature

taged by this limitation. But there remains the question of how significant the fatigue of directed attention would be for people in general. It may seem unlikely that a deficiency one has never even heard of before could playa major role in human thought and human effectiveness. Nonetheless there are theoretical grounds for suspecting that directed attention fatigue can, and often does, have devastating impacts.
Selection. The capacity to solve problems is often viewed as the crowning achi,evement of the human mind. Even a cursory look at problem-solving reveals the central role of attention. Consider a mature individual approaching a problem. Such an individual has available a remarkable array of capabilities; there is considerable stored knowledge, along with a multiplicity of perceptual possibilities and a vast repertoire of possible actions. Much as these are powerful resources, most of them are irrel­ evant to the solution of any particular problem. The very richness of possibilities presents a daunting challenge. Solving a problem requires a focus on the tiny portion of one's repertoire that is pertinent to the problem at hand. It is essential to select appro­ priately from among the knowledge, the possible percepts, and the potential actions. Ironically, the larger the store of possibilities, the more essential is the capacity for selection. In his chapter on Reason­ ing (where he treated material closely akin to what we would now call problem-solving), James (1892) both emphasized the significance of selection and illustrated it in the same passage: 'To me now, writ­ ing these words, emphasis and selection seem to be the essence of the human mind. In other chapters other qualities have seemed, and will again seem, more important parts of psychology' (p. 223).
In routine behavior much of the selectivity comes from associative connections; one looks for the cru­ cial stimulus or performs the suitable action because that solution has become habitual. But in problem-solving, where well-learned connections are often not available, some other means of selec­ tivity is essential. This is precisely the role that has traditionally been assigned to attention (Moray,
1987). In problem-solving, where routine, associat­ ively-based attention' can not be counted on, an attentional capacity under voluntary control is par­ ticularly important.
Inhibition and affect. Just as following one's well­ learned patterns is often inappropriate to the solv­ ing of problems, following the uncensored dictates of one's affective system can be equally maladaptive.

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As Pennebaker (1991) has pointed out, there are many times when inhibiting one's impulses and inclinations is essential. There are times one must inhibit the inclination to flee, or to act without thinking, or to act in socially unacceptable ways.
Carrying out actions that are unpleasant but neces­ sary also requires considerable inhibition. Indeed, this function is so basic that Pennebaker has characterized inhibition as 'the linchpin of health', because, like the linchpin of a wagon, it is what holds everything together. An inhibitory capacity that is under voluntary control is thus an indispens­ able mechanism for behaving appropriately.
Fragility. Directed attention is not, in itself, more important to problem-solving than knowledge or perception or action. Likewise, it is not necessarily the most important component of the system neces­ sary to generate appropriate behavior. But unlike these components, it is fragile. It is susceptible to fatigue, and as such is more likely to be deficient than are the other components. It is, in other words, often the weak link-in the chain. And for this reason it may well be a critical resource in problem-solving and in human effectiveness in general.
As one might expect of a mechanism with such pivotal roles, it is central to the smooth and effect­ ive operation of basic information processing func­ tions. And as is so often the case with psychological mechanisms, its importance is most readily observed by the consequences of its absence:
Perception. Lacking effective directed attention, an individual becomes highly distractible, resulting in impaired perception of material that is not inherently engrossing.
Thought. Directed attention is necessary for stepping back from the situation one is facing, for pausing to get a larger picture of what is going on.
Thus without the aid of directed attention, it is diffi­ cult to deal with situations in which the appropriate action is not immediately obvious. It is also hard to plan and to follow a plan. This leaves the individual caught up in the demands of the immediate situ­ ation, unable to transcend momentary pressures and temptations.
Action. Inhibition is essential to delay and reflection. Lacking this capability an individual behaves in a less adaptive and appropriate fashion.
Without the patience and endurance necessary to carry out difficult or unpleasant tasks, behavior becomes more oriented to the short term. Social

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S. Kaplan

behavior, which also depends upon inhibition, becomes less appropriate. There is also a greater inclination to be impulsive, to take unnecessary risks, and to act in an impatient and hasty manner.

latter is a form of attention that requires no effort.
Although James does not deal with this explicitly, it seems reasonable to assume that both types of attention are similar in being inhibitory and in having their effect through suppression of compe­
Feeling. Irritability is a hallmark of a person tition. And to venture clearly beyond James' analy­ who cannot draw on directed attention. There is an sis, involuntary attention, requiring no effort, is interesting contrast here to stress, which is charac­ likely to be resistant to fatigue. Further, while the terized by anxiety. Anxiety often leads to seeking to individual is in involuntary mode, directed atten­ be with others; irritability tends to have the tion should be able to rest. Since James' termin­ opposite effect. Thus it is not surprising that there ology has been confusing for many people and' the is evidence suggesting that under these conditions circumstances that call on the effortless attention people are far less likely to be willing to help are intrinsically compelling, we have substituted one another (Sherrod & Downs, 1974; Cohen & the term 'fascination' for 'involuntary attention'
Spacapan, 1978).
(Kaplan, 1995).
Directed attention is, thus, a key ingredient in
There are many sources and types of fascination. human effectiveness. The fatigue of directed atten­ Some of these derive from process. For instance, tion is similarly a key ingredient in ineffectiveness otherwise normal individuals have been reported to and human error. Unfortunately, even momentary rouse themselves out of bed at an early hour in lapses in directed attention, at critical times, can hopes of catching a glimpse of a small, feathered have .dire consequences. Airplane pilots, ship cap­ animal whose identity is uncertain. Likewise many tains and operators of nuclear or chemical plants are addicted to books in which the identification of provide vivid examples, since for each of these roles, the guilty party is difficult but not impossible to at least one major accident has occurred under con­ predict, and generally is not resolved until the end, ditions when directed attention would be predicted even though far more efficient ways to transmit the to be at a low ebb (Moore-Ede, 1993). In fact, a same information are surely available. Predicting study of airline crashes when equipment was not at despite uncertainty as practised by gamblers pro­ fault found in every instance that there were dis­ vides another example of process fascination. ruptions of sleep schedules for key personnel (Wolfe,
Fascination can also come from content. As pre­
1992). As the work of Broadbent et al. (1982) sug­ viously noted, wild animals and caves are among gests, a state of mental fatigue may well be at fault the many contents that do not require directed in a large percent of those cases in which accidents attention. In some cases extremes of size lend to the are attributed to 'human error'. fascination of objects or settings. Fascination can also derive from extremes along a 'soft-hard' dimen­ sion. Thus, there is the 'hard' fascination of watch­
The Restorative Experience ing auto racing and 'soft' fascination of walking in a natural setting. Soft fascination-characteristic of
The restoration of effectiveness is at the mercy of certain natural settings-has a special advantage in recovery from directed attention fatigue. Sleep pro­ terms of providing an opportunity for reflection, vides one approach to recovery. While useful, it is which can further enhance the benefits of insufficient. Certainly f()l" serious cases of directed recovering Ii·om directed attention fatigue (Kaplan, attention fatigue, insomnia is likely to set in long 1993). We have used the concept of 'H.estorative before full recovery has taken place. In order to rest experiences' or 'Restorative environments' to refer directed attention, it is necessary to find some other to such opportunities for reducing the fatigue of basis for maintaining one's focus. What is needed directed attention (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). is an alternative mode of attending that would
Fascination is thus a central component of a res­ render the use of directed attention temporarily torative experience. That is not to say, however, unnecessary. that the presence of fascination guarantees that
Fortunately there is a way to meet these require­ directed attention can rest. Fascination is a neces­ ments and, also fortunately, it is widely available. sary, but not sufficient basis for recovering directed
This notion too, like the directed attention concept, attention. It is evident that some researchers have derives from James' perceptive analysis of atten­ failed to understand that fascination, although tional processes. In his discussion, James con­ important, is but one component of the modeJ.l We trasted voluntary and involuntary attention. The have, in fact, proposed three additional components

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that are integral to our analysis of what makes an environment restorative (Kaplan & Talbot, 1983).
(1) Being away, at least in principle, frees one from mental activity that requires directed atten­ tion support to keep going. In fact, people often use
'getting away' as a shorthand for going to a restora­ tive place. But continuing to struggle with the old
Lhoughts in a new setting is unlikely to be restora­ tive. Clearly being away involves a conceptual rather than a physical transformation. A new or different environment, while potentially helpful, is not essential. A change in the direction of one's gaze, or even an old environment viewed in a new way can provide the necessary conceptual shift.
(2) The environment must have extent. It must, in other words, be rich enough and coherent enough so that it constitutes a whole other world. An end­

less stream of stimuli both fascinating and different

from the usual would not qualify as a restorative

environment for two reasons. First, lacking extent,

it does not qualify as an environment, but merely an unrelated collection of impressions. And second, a restorative environment must be of sufficient scope to engage the mind. It must provide enough to see, experience, and think about so that it takes up a substantial portion of the available room in one's head. (3) There should be compatibility between the environment and one's purposes and inclinations.
In other words, the setting must fit what one is try­ ing to do and what one would like to do.
Compatibility is a two-way street. On the one hand, a compatible environment is one where one's purposes fit what the environment demands. At the same time the environment must provide the infor­ mation needed to meet one's purposes. Thus in a compatible environment one carries out one's activi­ ties smoothly and without struggle. There is no need to second guess or to keep a close eye on one's own behavior. What one does comfortably and nat­ urally is what is appropriate to the setting (Kaplan,
1983).
The relationship of compatibility to one's pur­ poses has several interesting implications. First, one's purposes generally are more readily achieved when one has prompt and useful feedback from the environment. An environment that is compatible will thus be a responsive environment. Second, diff­ erent people's purposes vary widely. If one's purpose is to be frightened by a horror movie, a snake might be a compatible as well as a fascinating stimulus.
Likewise, members of a snake-oriented religious sect might find snakes both fascinating and compat­ ible. For a great many humans, of course, a snake

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would fail the compatibility criterion. Third, carry­ ing out purposes often involves solving the problems one meets along the way. As we have 'Seen, solving problems involves exercising selectivity, a key func­ tion of directed attention. An ambiguous or dis­ tracting environment raises many irrelevant possi­ bilities, placing more demand on directed attention.
A compatible environment requires less selectivity and hence less directed attention.

A note on cognition

It may be appropriate at this point to address a cen­ tral misunderstanding of the role of information processing in restoration. Ulrich et al. (1991) argue that the compatibility concept is based on cognition, and that cognition is too slow a process to playa role in restoration. There is no doubt that ifone defines cognition as conscious, language-based, and depen­ dent upon reasoning, then it will in fact be a rela­ tively slow process. Ulrich et al. seem to adhere to such a limited view of cognition.
By contrast, those who consider perception to be a cognitive process-among them James (1892),
Bruner (1957), Attneave (1962), Shepard (1975),
Hebb (1980), and Margolis (1987)-make none of these assumptions. And perception is, of course, a very rapid process. Another example of rapid cog­ nition is the implicit prediction that people continu­ ollsly make about what will happen next in the environment (lVIacphail, 1987). This process is gen­ erally unconscious and typically surfaces only when it is falsified by subsequent events. Thus, in an example Hebb has used, one is not aware of making a prediction when picking up a coffee cup at the breakfast table. Should it, however, turn out to contain cold beer, one is suddenly vividly aware of having made a contrary prediction.
Another example is the inference of three dimen­ sions, made from a two dimensional array on the retina. This process is likewise fast and uncon­ scious. There is also no doubt, terminology aside, that rapid, unconscious human information pro­ cessing occurs in many forms and at many levels of the system.

Nature and the Restorative Environment
An important theme of this paper, namely, the role of the natural environment in human effectiveness, has not been forgotten. vVe have talked about the significant role that directed attention plays as a component of effectiveness and about the need to

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S. Kaplan

reduce the fatigue of directed attention in order to restore effectiveness. We can turn now to the ques­ tion of how nature relates to restoration. One approach to this issue is to consider the ways in which natural settings are particularly likely to meet each of the four requirements for a restorative environment. The second approach will be to look to the empirical literature to see what evidence is available. Revisiting the components of restorative environments Being away. Natural settings are often the preferred destinations for extended restorative opportunities. The seaside, the mountains, lakes, streams, forests, and meadows are all idyllic places for 'getting away'. Yet for many people in the urban context, the opportunity for getting away to such destinations is not an option. However, the sense of bein.g away does not require that the setting be dis­ tant. Natural environments that are easily access­ ible thus offer an important resource for resting one's directed attention.
Fascination. Nature is certainly well-endowed with fascinating objects, as well as offering many processes that people find engrossing. Many of the fascinations afforded by the natural setting qualify as 'soft' fascinations: clouds, sunsets, snow patterns, the motion of the leaves in the breeze-these read­ ily hold the attention, but in an undramatic fashion.
Attending to these patterns is effortless, and they leave ample opportunity for thinking about other things. Extent. In the distant wilderness, extent comes easily. But extent need not entail large tracts of land. Even a relatively small area can provide a sense of extent. Trails and paths can be designed so that small areas seem much larger. Miniaturization provides another device for providing a feeling of being in a whole different world, though the area is in itself not extensive. Japanese gardens sometimes combine both of these devices in giving the sense of scope as well as connectedness. Extent also func­ tions at a more conceptual level. For example, set­ tings that include historic artifacts can promote a sense or being cOllnected to past eras UlH.l past environments and thus to a larger world.
Compatibility. The natural environment is experi­ enced as particularly high in compatibility. It is as if there were a special resonance between the natu­

ral setting and human inclinations. For many people, functioning in the natural setting seems to require less effort than functioning in more 'civil­ ized' settings, even though they have much greater familiarity with the latter (Cawte, 1967; Sacks,
1987).
It is intercsting to consider the many patterns of relating to the natural setting. There is the predator role (such as hunting and fishing), the locomotion role (hiking, boating), the domestication of the wild role (gardening, caring for pets), the observation of other animals (bird watching, visiting zoos), sur­ vival skills (fire building, constructing shelter), and so on. People often approach natural areas with the purposes that these patterns readily fulfill already in mind, thus increasing compatibility.
A nearby, highly accessible natural environment cannot provide the context for all of these goals and purposes. Yet even such a setting is likely to be sup­ portive of the inclinations of those who seek a res­ pite there. Consider the factory worker, racing off during the lunch period, fighting traffic and distrac­ tions, in search of a spot in the shade of a tree for a peaceful break. If the peaceful effects were to be worn off totally by the time the return trip is made at the end of the hour, would this ritual be repeated again the next day?

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Attention restoration theOlY and natural environments: empirical findings
Olmsted (1865) was particularly sensitive to the role of 'natural scenery' in restoration: it 'employs the mind without fatigue and yet exercises it; tran­ quilizes it and yet enlivens it; and thus, through the influence of the mind over the body, gives the effect of refreshing rest and reinvigoration to the whole system' (p. 22). His inspiration, as well as the insights of others with intimate knowledge of the natural setting, were most influential in the devel­ opment of national parks and in numerous other conservation efforts (Nash, 19G8). These early writ­ ings relied on personal experience and literary tal­ ent. Thoreau's perceptiveness and foresight are per­ haps even more appreciated today than in his own time (Anderson, 19G8; Stern, 1970).
While such writings have great power and pro­ vide deep inspiration for S0111C, scientilic evidence is more compelling for others. The empirical literature on nature benefits has been growing steadily
(Altman & Wohlwill, 1983; Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989;
Francis & Hester, 1990; ReIf, 1992). Several studies have addressed the role of nature scenes in holding

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attention and interest (e.g. Ulrich, 1979, 1981; as cited by Ulrich & Parsons, 1992).
There are four studies that speak directly to the relation between restorative experiences and infor­ mation-processing effectiveness, a crucial issue in establishing the distinct role of directed attention.
What is particularly striking about these studies is how parallel the results are, despite wide variation in setting and procedure. Several of these studies are clinical- or field-oriented, an important type of research for a theory that is intended to make a dif­ ference beyond the laboratory. Such studies bring with them their own set of challenges and limi­ tations of experimental control. The consistency of findings both with respect to each other and with respect to laboratory research is thus particularly useful in establishing the construct validation of the concept. In the first study, Hartig et al. (1991) compared wilderness vacationers with urban vacationers and a non-vacationing control group. Only individuals with backpacking experience and who were engaged in regular physical fitness regimens were included in the study. Following their trip, the wilderness group showed a significant improvement in proof­ reading performance, a task that is highly demanding of directed attention. By contrast, the other two groups showed a pre-test-to-post-test decline. Interestingly, the wilderness groups had the lowest overall happiness score at the post-test.
At a 3-week follow-up, however, they showed the highest levels of overall happiness.
In the second study, also reported by Hartig et al.
(1991), participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions. Those in the 'natural environ­ ment' and 'urban environment' conditions drove to field sites where they completed attentionally fatiguing tasks before walking for 40 minutes in the respective setting. Those in the passive relaxation condition completed the same set of tasks before spending a comparable period listening to soft music and reading magazines. The pre-treatment manipulation was intended to ensure attentional fatigue; a check on this manipulation was also included. Hartig et aZ. reported that in this more controlled study, as in the initial quasi-experimen­ tal one, those in the nature-setting condition perfor­ med better on the proof-reading task. The second study also included self-report evaluations of thc
40-minute experience in terms of being away, fasci­ nation, coherence (an aspect of extent), and com­ patibility. These were summarized in a 'perceived restorativeness' score which was, on average, high­ est for the natural environment group and was posi­

175

tively correlated (r=0·22) with the proof-reading score. The other two studies used a new measure that was theoretically derived specifically to test the effect of restoration on directed attention. This mea­ sure is based on the Necker cube, a wire frame drawing whose perceived orientation in depth appears to reverse over time. Necker cube fluctu­ ation is an individual difference measure of long standing. A common interpretation of the apparent reversals is the satiation of the representation of a given perspective, thus allowing the alternative per­ spective to dominate (Orbach et al., 1963; Cornwell,
1976). This interpretation suggests a direct parallel to situations requiring directed attention, namely the potential cessation of a given mental activity due to competition from some other mental activity.
If this interpretation is correct, then by intention­ ally focusing on the cube as it appears at a given moment, its apparent change to the other possible orientation should be delayed. In other words, it should be possible to slow the rate of reversals through exertion of directed attention. Further, the more fatigued the directed attention, the less effect- . ive such an effort should be. Thus a high 'Necker
Cube Pattern Control' score (the degree to which the rate is slowed relative to the individual's base line) should provide an indication of the strength of this inhibitory capacity.
Cimprich's (1992, 1993) clinical study of recovering cancer patients also supported the link between the restorative experience and enhanced effectiveness. Cancer patients are generally instructed in necessary self-care following discharge from the hospital. They frequently have difficulty in remembering such information, thus seriously jeop­ ardizing attaining optimal treatment outcomes and quality of life. It has also been observed that follow­ ing cancer treatment patients with a clean bill of health from a medical perspective nonetheless experience persistent and diverse coping problems, including difficulties in interpersonal relationships and limitations in returning to former activities.
Feeling that these clinical observations suggested serious problems of directed attention fatigue,
Cimprich studied recovering breast cancer patients at four time points during the 3 months after sur­ gery, using a wide range of attentional and other mcasures. Participants were randomly assigned to either the experimental intervention or usual care control group. The former involved having each per­ son sign a contract agreeing to participate in three restorative activities (of at least 20 minutes each) per week. While the notion of restorative activities

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was explained in broad terms with numerous examples, participants in the experimental group generally selected nature-based activities such as walking in nature and gardening to fulfil their con­ tracted time. The control group received no infor­ mation about the proposed attention-restoring activities until after the study was completed; how­ ever, to ensure that they received equal attention, time was spent in discussing the importance of usual self-care activities, such as frequent rest periods and monitoring of untoward symptoms.
Cimprich reported that the participants in both groups showed severe attentional deficits after sur­ gery before the intervention was initiated. The experimental (restorative) group showed significant improvement in attentional performance over the four times they were measured; the control group did not. The Necker Cube Pattern Control measure was particularly sensitive to attentional changes su~h that the restorative group showed improve­ ment in the capa~ity to limit pattern reversals, while the control group showed a significant decline in this capacity by the end of the 3-month study period. Mood scores, however, did not show a sig­ nificant relationship with the measures of atten­ tional capacity.
The intervention also appeared to have an impact on life patterns. In the restorative group, partici­ pants ",,;ent back to work and were more likely to return full time. Another striking difference was the inclination of members of the restorative group to start new projects (such as losing weight, music lessons, and volunteer work). No new projects were reported by the control group participants. And finally, experimental group members showed sig­ nificantly greater gains on quality of life ratings by the end of the study period.
What is particularly remarkable about this study is the effect of a very modest intervention (three activities of at least 20 minutes a week) on a prob­ lem that, according to the literature in tlle area, can undermine the capacity to deal with and to adjust to the eflects of a serious illness such as cancer and its treatment. Finally, Tennessen, C. & Cimprich, G. (in press) studied the possible restorative benefits of a natural view from a college dormitory window using a bat­ tery of attentional and other measures. Dormitory views ranged from aU natural to all built views.
Controlling for the geographic location of the build­ ings, undergraduates with more nature in their dor­ mitory view scored significantly higher on the
Necker Cube Pattern Control measure and the
Symbol Digit Modalities Test. Those with more

natural views also tended to rate themselves as functioning more effectively in daily life activities requiring directed attention than those with more built views. The observed differences in attentional performance were not related to age, gender, or year in school. Finally, there were no differences in mood state based on type of dormitory view.
Taken together these studies make it reasonable to suspect that there is a link between the restora­ tive experience and directed attention. Further, the majority of these findings were obtained without corresponding influences on mood. :Since mood enhancement is a frequent goal of stress reduction procedures (presumably to reduce the aversiveness of the stress inducing situation), this finding is suggestive of a distinctive effect of restorative experiences on directed attention.

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