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When we talk about Igorot identity and culture, we also have to consider the time. My point is that: what I am going to share in this article concerning the Igorot culture might not be the same practiced by the Igorots of today. It has made variations by the passing of time, which is also normally happening to many other cultures, but the main core of respect and reverence to ancestors and to those who had just passed is still there.
The Igorot culture that I like to share is about our practices and beliefs during the "time of Death".
Death is part of the cycle of life. Igorots practice this part of life cycle with a great meaning and importance. Before the advent of Christianity in the Igorotlandia, the Igorots or the people of the Cordilleran region in the Philippines were animist or pagans. Our reverence or the importance of giving honor to our ancestors is a part of our daily activities. We consider our ancestors still to be with us, only that they exist in another world or dimension. Whenever we have some special feasts (e.g., occasions during death, wedding, family gathering, etc.), when we undertake something special (like going somewhere to look for a job or during thanksgiving), we perform some special offer. We call this "Menpalti/ Menkanyaw", an act of butchering and offering animals. During these times we call them in our prayers to join us in spirit. We do this also to ask for help and/or ask for guidance, etc. The prayers are usually performed by an elderly person of the town (called "pangamaen" for a man and "Panginaen" for a woman; however an elderly man has preference to be "the prayer renderer" when we have the choice).
By the way and to reiterate, our practices of revering are not a form of IDOLATRY. We believe in life after death. We believe, that our ancestors are just in another world, but still among us... in the form of spirits.
I'm a mixture of a Bontoc and a Kankanaey Igorot of Bauko and also with some Chinese descent. Regardless of my bloodline I like to speak about the practices of Bauko Igorots.
Until now, the practices surrounding death: like our practices during wakes, our way of offering animals, food and wine still is a living example of our tradition. In order for us to have peace in mind and not to be concerned about any bad omens, we perform the rituals, the way it had been performed and advised by the elders. As much as possible the place of the burial and the wakes are done in our home of origin and we do also the wakings in our private homes and not in a mortuary. The wakes take a minimum of three days/night. Some take longer, depending on the time until all close relatives finally have had gathered. During this time of diaspora, where many of us live and work abroad or away from home, the wakes can take longer. This is to allow time for the most awaited relative to arrive.
1. First of all the tradition of wakes and the importance of the whole family to be gathered again. Among us Igorots, the event of death is a very special occasion which is of value and has to be observed. As much as possible even now in the times of diaspora, all the close relatives have to be gathered and are expected to be around when someone in the family had died. Children, siblings, spouses and parents should not be missing in the list of important relatives to be present on times when someone died.
2. The animal offerings. There are animals to be offered/butchered as there are tremendous numbers of people expected to be around during the time of vigil and wake. Not only the direct relatives and friends, almost the whole community is welcomed to join the bereaved family during their process of working out their last respect to the dead. People come for the wake and also for the burial and they have to be hosted and be fed as well. This explains, why we butcher numerous animals.
3. Not only the animal offering, the numbers and the variety of pigs or chicken have to be proper. Especially on the day of the burial. A set in minimum of three pigs has to be butchered. The pigs should be of the native variety or at least dark hair.
I was 14 years of age when my father died in an accident in the Lepanto mines where he had worked. It was clear enough, that my father’s burial place will be in Bauko, because it is our hometown and the place where our small house was built.
The body of my father was laid in the mortuary of the said mining company, in order for his former colleagues and town mates living in Lepanto to have the chance to show their last respect to a brother or comrade, who just had passed away. After two nights of vigil we finally transferred the body to Bauko where we continued waking and vigil for another three days and nights. During those times most of our relatives from the surrounding barrios and also the relatives of my father from Bontoc were present. They were there giving eulogies, comforting us or just relating some simple stories, singing the "Bayyao" or also praying the Christian prayer.
During vigil or in times of death, we were much aware that the spirits of our ancestors are among us. So whenever we talked, we also addressed sometimes our prayers or messages to the unknown.
During this time, I saw many pigs that were butchered. It is very important that, when a pig is butchered, the town’s Elder is summoned to do the prayers and to inspect or read the symbol of the gall bladder and the liver. We call this ritual "IPEDISAN". For us Igorots, the symbol can be interpreted on the positioning of the gall bladder ("pedis") between the liver. A nice and full protruding gall bladder between the liver is a good omen. While the opposite signs or a bad omen is "a gall bladder, that is almost empty and hardly be seen between the liver". When the sign is of bad omen, the Elder advises you to butcher another male animal, what can be a pig or just a rooster. The significance of a male pig or a rooster is that "a male animal brings the bad omen away". This ritual is called "SUMANG" while a female animal is a keeper – just like, a hen when her chicks are in danger, she quickly gathers them under her protection. A sow or a hen is the animals to be butchered when there are signs of good omen, because we want to keep the good things.

This is a symbolic plate or basket of food for the spirits of our ancestors. Before food is being served to all the mourners and guests, an "ATANG" is set aside in a corner for the spirits. By the way, also every time a new bottle of Gin, a jar of new rice wine has to be opened for the community to be drunk, the first drops or a glass of wine has to be offered to the spirits. We do this symbolically by saying our prayers to them. At the same time we drop some milliliter of Gin on the ground and say some prayers: "To you spirits who have gathered here... this is the Gin for you, let us drink and make sure that we all get drunk in peace!!!"... addressing to all the spirits. Or we set aside a glass of wine for them, especially when it comes from a newly opened jar of rice wine. Also we do the prayers during the “Atang” of food.
Bayya-o is a sort of Eulogy in form of singing. The person usually doing the Bayya-o relates some stories how the person was in his life - the way they knew him/her.
A person performing the bayya-o starts singing a story about the dead person, and after some stanzas all those gathered make a chorus with him.
The day of the burial, usually a set of three pigs has to be butchered - a male, a mother and a normal size pig. Some families butcher more - it depends on how many guests are expected. Butchering is performed just after sunrise. After the animals are butchered, the town’s elder is summoned to say some prayers, which could be phrase like this addressing the spirit of the dead body: "Here is your pig, you can go now - you ride on this pig to go and join the spirits of our ancestors, and to you our ancestors hopefully this tragedy is enough, guide us and keep us away from any danger. "
Note: The main person who takes the responsibility for the mourning during the whole period of the mourning process, for example the widow, should not join the burial.
The mourning is still not over after the burial. The close family remains in a mourning status until the time comes to end the official time of mourning (called "PATAPOS"). Usually a year later, but nowadays there are compromises, so after 40 days we can make this "patapos".
During the mourning time, especially for the main persons affected, it is unwise for them, to be seen or to attend any other events or feasts. For us we should show and feel that we really mourn for our dead.
"Tengaw" is a period of time, a day, a week or several weeks when you should stay at home and should not perform your usual activities like going to the fields. That means: during "Tengaw" these persons should not go out or attend their fields.
The wearing of black clothes or a black ribbon are also signs of mourning. They have to be worn for a year long.
Due to the fact we are now Christianized and also because Bauko is predominantly Catholics, we do the practice of nine days praying the rosary and on the 9th day we offer a mass. We butcher another pig and invite people to join us. After this event, we can do our activities normally.
Since we still are influenced by our animistic practices, we believe that after the burial the spirits of our ancestors are still in midst of our house. This explains why we were told to always keep for 40 days the lights or fire on the "DALIKAN" (Dalikan is the place where we cook. We cook before using firewood). We have to keep the "dalikan" always warm, or a flint of fire has to be always burning at the fire place continuously. This is a symbol of welcoming the spirits. That, whenever the spirits are in our place, they have a spot of orientation or to keep themselves warm. In the olden days, the "Dalikan" is the meeting place of the family. This gives the logical explanation as the place where the spirits also gather, the way they have had done long time ago.
For our Igorot practice, concerning and during the death of my father, our mourning ended after 40 days. That means, after this time we were free again to travel but still not allowed to join a gathering where there was a happy feasting going on. After 40 days, more animals had to be butchered as we also expected many people to join us for the end of the mourning (PATAPOS). The same thing has to be repeated again after the end of the first year anniversary , which is actually the official end of the mourning - for those, who follow strictly the tradition.
NOTE: How can the bereaved family afford all the expenses and do the work entertaining the hundreds of guests for that long period of time? The Igorots spontaneously open their pockets and donate some help in form of cash or material. The relatives and some friends share their helping hands to do all the cooking, serving and all that what has to be done. Death is also the time not to economize the expenses.
Our spiritual contacts with our ancestors not only happen during the time of death. Often we remember them and in the process of remembering we also include butchering animals and inviting all our relatives.
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The Ilocano has an elaborate network of beliefs and practices through which he deals with the world around him. These beliefs and practices developed and nurtured by his ancestors, guide him in going through the different stages of life. It is possible, however, that many of these beliefs and practice are gaining less importance among Ilocanos of today. Click on any of these topics: Pregnancy and Childbirth, Infancy, Adolescence, Courtship, Marriage, Death and Burial

Pregnancy and Childbirth
A woman's intense craving for sour fruits, such as tamarind, green mango or orange is usually interpreted as a sign of pregnancy. The fruits that she eats provide clues to the child's appearance.
The pregnant woman observes a number of practices believed to insure against a painful and difficult delivery.
She sits on a mat and never on the bare floor, to avoid having gas pains. She always has grains of salt with her whenever she leaves the house to ward off evil spirits who may take away her unborn child. She does not go outside the house at night with her hair down lest she have a snake delivered along with her baby. She is forbidden to sit on the stairway as this is a position associated with difficult delivery. When cooking, she must thrust the bigger pieces of firewood into the fire before the smaller pieces, a practice said to ensure a normal delivery.
On the sixth month of pregnancy, the mother's dreams, her physical and emotional state, the food she eats, and the fetal position are taken as indications of the child's sex.
Only a select few are allowed inside the house while the woman is in labor. These are the mangilot (midwife), the husband, his parents and the couple's other children, if any. This is because of the belief that the presence of unlucky people could cause a difficult delivery.
Walking the woman around the house to empty her water bag during labor is supposed to ease childbirth. When a woman is undergoing extreme difficulty, the husband either turns the house ladder upside down or massages crushed ginger on his wife's belly.
A conceiving woman should not take her fancy on pictures, dolls and flowers so that the child will not become dumb or on images of saints because the child will not be able to stand but will only be rolling on the bed or floor. If a conceiving woman takes fancy on a pitcher-type water pump, her child will be hare-lipped, and if she eats twin bananas, she will give birth to twins. If she is fond on reading music books, her child is likely to become a musician. Likewise, the newborn is likely to become an accountant or a businessman if the conceiving woman has a liking for books on mathematics.
A woman expecting a baby should not lie across the width of the bed or by the doorway because she may have difficulty in delivery. She should not take a bath in the evening because she may bloat. She should not eat the liver or head of chicken lest the child will become stubborn. As soon as the baby is born, he is wrapped with the clothes of either parent. The child is said to become closer to the parent whose clothes he was wrapped with. The newborn child is also made to use old clothes so that when he grows he will not be fond of wearing new clothes which depicts extravagance. The use of a folded newspaper as a pillow for the newborn is supposed to make him intelligent.
The washing of clothes and the mat used during delivery is done only during the day with proper ceremony. The clothes must not be washed in the shallow part of the river where the current is swift and noisy for this would make the child naughty and irritable.
After the delivery, the anglem is made. This consists of burning twisted rugs placed in an earthen jar called bak-ka to drive away evil spirits and to make the navel of the baby heal faster. The neonate is given ampalaya juice mixed with castor oil to expel impurities taken in while it was still in the mother's womb. The woman who has just delivered should not eat food that is spicy or that causes itch such as eggplant, bamboo shoots, and camote within the period of five to six months, gabi or aba, and peanuts up to one year. Likewise, she should not eat papaya because this makes the child agaras (suffer from thrush).
The mother and child are made to rest in a specially inclined bed called balitang (bamboo bed). During the mother's fifteen to twenty-day rest also called the dalagan, the husband manages the household. The woman resumes her housework only after she has rested and taken a full bath.
Ilocano mothers go through a process of inhaling smoke from medicinal incense while a bowl of hot coals warms her wounds. Called sidor, this is said to relieve the mother’s pains and reposition the displaced uterus.
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If the kajyanak (newborn) has physical defects, he is given a hair washing rite presided over by a folk healer. If the defect is not healed, the family accepts the baby's condition and views it as a sign of good luck.
The child's sleeping position is the subject of his parents' special attention because of certain meanings associated with each particular position. It is said that if the baby sleeps float on his belly on the floor or bed, bad luck or hardship will befall the family. If the baby gnashes his teeth, he is said to have parasites in his body. When the baby begins to turn around and roll, the parents are advised not to help him, for it is believed that if they do, the baby will be too dependent on them when he grows up. It is usually at the end of the fourteenth month when the baby is considered strong enough and allowed to walk by himself.
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Pubescence for the girl comes at age eleven when most girls begin to menstruate. Some of the taboos which girls observe during menstruation include: eating sour fruit which may cause blood clotting and menstrual cramps; taking a bath or carrying heavy objects which may cause matipdan (sudden stop of menstrual flow) which may lead to insanity or death. Girl at this stage are also asked to sit on the 3rd step of the stairs so that she will have only three days of menstruation.
Boys aged thirteen to twenty-one voluntarily submit themselves to kugit (circumcision) by the local specialist. The rite usually takes place near a river, a creek or a stream. The materials used are a sharp knife or blade, a wooden mold made from a stripped guava branch, guava brew and coconut palm scrapings. Like the pubescent girl, the circumcised boy discards his childish games and pranks for more adult pursuits.
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Courtship begins with a series of casual conversations and visits to the girl's home where the boy gets to know the girl and her family. Long courtships are expected to give both parties a chance to be sure about their own feelings for each other. The boy sends love letters to the girl regularly as constant reminders and declarations of a willingness to continue the amorous pursuit. The harana (serenade) is also one way of expressing love. The boy asks a group of friends to join him, on a moonlit night, in waking up his beloved maiden with love songs.
The relationship, once formalized, is carried out with utmost discretion. The girl is expected to remain modest and chaste. Tradition strongly requires that the woman maintain her virginity until marriage. Otherwise, she will have to face such grave consequences as being ostracized by the community or disowned by her family. Sex education comes in the form of stories read and told by older folk.

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Panagasawa or marriage to the Ilocano is but a reaffirmation of the man and woman's gasat (fate). It is considered a sacred partnership which lasts until the death of either partner.
Once the couple decide to marry, the boy informs the girl's parents about their plans. This announcement is known as the panagpudno. Approval is sought from the boy's parents since they usually spend for the wedding and provide for the dowry. When both families agree, the date of the wedding is set either by consulting the planetano (an almanac which lists all good or bad days for all activities), or by communicating through the billeta, a letter sent from the boy to the girl by a messenger. The response is also sent through the same messenger.
It is during the palalian, a meeting between both families held in the girl's home, that the sab-ong, the sagut, the parawad and the other details of the wedding are discussed. The purpose of the sab-ong (dowry) is to provide the couple with something to start their married life. It may consist of a piece of land or enough money to buy some land. The sagut is the amount of money needed for the bridal trousseau. Borrowing a wedding gown is taboo for the Ilocano. It is regarded as a grave insult to the families of the betrothed. The sagut provided the basis for the Ilocano boast that "the Ilocano groom always dresses his bride from head to foot." The parawad is given by the groom to the bride's mother as a token of appreciation for properly bringing up her daughter. The sab-ong is presented during the albasya, a long, elaborate ceremony held the day before the wedding.
It is a taboo for a bride to fit in the bridal gown before the wedding because this brings bad luck or misfortune to the couple. It is also taboo for the bride and bridegroom to ride in the same vehicle in going to church for the wedding because this portends bad luck. Care must be taken by the groom when giving the aras (several one peso coins) to the bride during the wedding ceremony. The dropping of even only one coin brings bad luck. Only one matchstick should be used to light the candle of the groom and bride. Those candle burns faster is believed to die ahead. The veil sponsors should pin the veil very well, for there is a belief that a veil that falls augurs an unsuccessful married life.
On the sinadag (eve of the wedding), another ceremony, the saka, is held. In the saka, either at the boy's house or at the convent, the couple are ritually introduced to their sponsors and prospective in-laws. The highlight of the ceremony is the couple's public declaration of love for each other.
As a rule , all Ilocano weddings must be held in church. After the ceremony, all proceed to the groom's residence for the padaya. The padaya is a lavish wedding feast which also serves as an occasion for the renewal of family ties and loyalties. This practice enhances community life with the involvement of the neighbors in all the preparations. The reception is a ritual in itself as all participants observe a certain decorum that clearly illustrates the Ilocano respect for tradition.
After the wedding ceremony, when the bride and bridegroom arrive at the latter's house, an old maid waiting at the foot of the stairs hands them lighted candles. Care should be taken to have these candles lighted when being carried to the altar inside the house otherwise, one of the couple will die young. The parents of the newlyweds secretly advice their respective son or daughter to go up the stairs ahead of the other. Reaching the top flight first symbolized authority in the family. Groom is beaten in this race, he becomes ander di saya ("henpecked).
If the Upon reaching the place where the reception is to be held, both the bride and the groom are required to enter the house together as a sign of maintaining the balance of authority in the home and to guarantee equal longevity. Lunch for the newlyweds begins with a dish of boiled mungo beans, a symbol of fertility. The bride and groom take turns feeding each other in a series of pleas which ends in a touching show of love for each other. A highlight of the celebration is the tuptupac or the bitor. These rituals involve the giving of cash to the newlyweds by their visitors. The gifts to the bride and groom are given and counted separately to determine the economic capability of both families. After counting, the money is handed to the groom who hands it over to his wife for safekeeping.
The last ritual for the day is the mangik-ikamen in which an old man and an old woman present the dal-lot (wedding song). The theme of the dal-lot is the ups and downs as well as the do's and don’ts of married life.
A day after the wedding, three rites are held. These are the atang, an offering given to the spirits of the departed kinsmen and posing and mangatogangan whereby the groom turns over his personal belongings to the bride.
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Death and Burial
To the Ilocanos, gasat (fate) detemines their life on earth. Death to them means the fulfillment of destiny, the inevitable. It is because of this Ilocano view of death that they are better able to bear the passing away of their loved ones with courage and fortitude.
The Ilocanos have traditionally believed that most of man's illnesses are caused by spirits. Even accidents have often been attributed to the supernatural, to spirits that could either be the aswang (witch) or the mannamay (sorcerer).
Death is often preceded by omens such as a black butterfly which enters a house at night or during an eclipse. When a person is dying, an old woman is usually called in to pray and attend to him. Sometimes, a coconut shell is placed under the dying man's bed so that everyone in the room may hear the angel and the devil fighting for possession of the man's soul. When a man dies, an atong (burning piece of wood) is placed in front of the gate of his house. This announces a death in the family to spirits and the living alike. The fire is left burning for the duration of the wake.
If relatives are being awaited, the corpse is embalmed for an extended wake. Members of the household are expected to refrain from working for the duration of the wake. Those keeping vigil recount all the good deeds of the deceased before the group. In some towns, the family hires the services of a mandung-aw, who provides the wailing and lamenting during the wake. Family members also do this to express their grief anguish, and pain. The presence of young men and women at the vigil prevents the spirits of the preternatural world from stealing the corpse.
Chores that are tabooed during the wake include cleaning or sweeping the house. It is believed that another member of the bereaved family will follow soon if this belief is not observed. Taking a bath or rubbing the skin with isiso (stone) will cause scabbies. Taking a bath in the house where the dead lies in state is prohibited. Meeting and seeing visitors to the door and accompanying them to the door when leaving are taboo.
With the belief that there is life after death, the clothes and other paraphernalia are buried with the dead. This is also done so that the soul will not come back for his precious possessions. However, if something is forgotten and someone in the neighborhood dies, a relative will place the remaining precious belonging of their deceased to the dead relative.
Likewise, there are also food taboos like eating maninggay (horse-radish) whose leaves easily fall off and sour food or snails called bisukol. Violation of these means death to another member of the bereaved family.
Before the funeral, the dead man's kin perform the mano (kissing of the hand). Each family member pays his last respects by kissing the dead man's hand or by lifting the hand briefly to his forehead. After the mano, the women cover their faces and heads with black veils.
Before the coffin is taken out of the house, a rooster or a hen, depending upon the sex of the decease, is beheaded and thrown out into the yard opposite the stairs. The sacrificial animal precedes the dead in the beyond, ensuring his safe passage and announcing his arrival. After this, the coffin is brought out of the house. The pallbearers are cautioned against having the coffin touch any part of the house lest another death occur in the family. Rice is strewn all over the coffin for good luck. The coffin bearers also guard against tarrying on the stairs, for a relative might be possessed by the dead man's soul. The doors and windows of the house are shut after the coffin is brought out to prevent the soul from disturbing those whom he left behind. These are reopened only after the funeral party returns from the cemetery.
To show extreme grief of the bereaved family, the members wear black clothes and a manto ("lack veil) which is worn by the female members of the family. Solemn music is played during the funeral procession from the house of the dead to the church and then to the cemetery.
After the funeral, members of the family and relatives go through the diram-os; that is, they wash their faces and upper limbs with a basin of basi in which some coins were immersed to ward off the spell of the evil spirit. The following day, immediate relatives have the golgol (hair shampoo) in the river to wash away any. To show extreme grief of the bereaved family, the members wear black clothes and a manto (black veil) which is worn by the female members of the family. Solemn music is played during the funeral procession from the house of the dead to the church and then to the cemetery.
After the funeral, members of the family and relatives go through the diram-os; that is, they wash their faces and upper limbs with a basin of basi in which some coins were immersed to ward off the spell of the evil spirit. The following day, immediate relatives have the golgol (hair shampoo) in the river to wash away any power of the spirit of the dead. This is followed by the offering of niniogan (a kind of rice cake), basi, buyo, and tobacco.
Every night for nine nights, a lualo (prayer) is offered for the dead. On the ninth night, an umras is prepared. On a table are placed 12 plates full of native cakes and delicacies like patupat, linapet; busi, kaskaron, baduyca; and two fried chickens. These should stay the whole night to be distributed the following morning to the leader of the novena prayer and to those who assisted in preparing the umras. On the ninth day is the pamisa (feast). Before the pamisa, the leader of the group offers a spoonful each of the cooked foods on the altar. The pamisa is again held to commemorate the one-month and the one-year death anniversaries. On the first year anniversary of the dead is the waksi marking the termination of the mourning as symbolized by the lifting of the black dress.
In spite of the influence of modernization, traditional beliefs still persist among the Ilocanos. These play an important role in keeping family relationship as well as community relationship intact.

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CYBERSPACE, OCTOBER 29, 2011 (WIKIPINAS) Undas (also known as Todos los Santos, Araw ng mga Patay, or All Saints' Day) is a holiday honouring the dead, widely celebrated in the Philippines.

Filipino families traditionally visit cemeteries on November 1 or 2, to hold gatherings around the graves of their departed loved ones and lay out flowers and candles. Often the occasion is treated as a reunion or banquet, with families bringing food and drink and camping out all day or even overnight. It is an official, state-recognized holiday, so people get leave from school or work on these days.


Some families visit the cemetery several days in advance to clean up the grave site and repaint the tombstones, so that the graves look more presentable on the day itself. They also offer masses in memory of the faithful departed.

Pangangaluluwa is a practice usually seen in the provinces, where a group of people stop by different houses on the night of All Saints' Day, singing and asking for alms and prayers. They are said to represent the souls stuck in purgatory, asking for prayers from the living to help them get to heaven.

Pag-aatang or Atang is an Ilocano belief and practice -- a food offering for the departed soul to show respect, affection and remembrance for the loved ones who passed away.

Other practices With everyone flocking to the cemetery at the same time, there is usually heavy traffic on the surrounding roads, particularly in Manila. Finding a parking space is extremely difficult. Cemetery visitors often find it easier to just walk to their family plot.

In Manila, city mayors often organize "Project Undas" in anticipation of the holiday. This includes driving out squatters who erect makeshift houses inside public burial sites, chasing down drug addicts who hide in empty tombs, and organizing traffic routes to ease the anticipated traffic jam.

Two or three days before All Saints' Day, sellers of flowers or candles sometimes jack up their prices by as much as 500 percent. People swarm to different flower markets such as the Dangwa Flower Market to buy made to order or ready-made flower arrangements to be offered for their departed loved ones.

The holiday is often linked with the spooky American-inspired celebration of Halloween on October 31st. TV programs such as news or expose shows often have special episodes themed around ghosts and hauntings.


In the Philippines, it is called Araw ng mga Patay (Day of the Dead), Todos Los Santos or Undas (the latter two due to the fact that this holiday is celebrated on November 1, All Saints Day), designated by the Roman Catholic Church).

The Filipino citizens treat it as an almost festive event and has more of a "family reunion" atmosphere. It is said to be an "opportunity to be with" the departed and is done in a somewhat solemn way.

When November 1 hits the calendar, the “Araw ng mga Patay” for the Filipinos start, as a celebration of the solemn and collective remembrance of the Day of the Dead. The almost festive movements are not short, for in fact lasts till the next day, which is the All Souls Day.

Catholics in the Philippines have a tradition of setting aside their days to wind down and remember their dead loved ones. Since the Philippines have the most number of catholic citizens in the whole of Asia, a lot of people celebrate the fact that the whole of the state has a mandatory two day vacation for the whole country.

People who are asked to work on those days need to be receiving a special rate of wage. This is a luxury that is granted to the Filipinos to commemorate for all the passed away souls of those who died and the saints. Although it would seem queer to some people that the Filipinos celebrate the solemn All Saints Day and All Souls Day in a joyous way, what they do not understand is that the Filipinos are naturally happy people. They truly respect their passed away loved ones very much, but they want to remember the good times with their ancestors instead of the bad.


A lot of Filipino people celebrate these holidays in different ways, such as creating unique singing or musical group that is named a “pangangaluluwa” and then go around the town, and sing on the night of the All Saints Day. The whole point and idea of a “pangangaluluwa” group is to represent the passed away people going from door to door asking for alms and prayers from the living. They are also the representative for the souls stuck in purgatory that ask for small gifts from the houses that they do visit.

There are thirteen holy Roman Catholic churches that are situated all over the Philippines. It is customary for the traditional Roman Catholics to go to all these churches and pray in them, in order to make your ancestors happy. Purgatory is not a happy place for souls, as said in traditional catholic lessons, and you should be able to help the souls of your ancestors when you complete praying in all of the thirteen churches.

Almost every one of the tombs of the passed away are decorated in the All Saints Day by their families. Most Filipino families who stick with traditional ways and customs often bury their dead loved ones together in the same tomb. It would seem weird to other people who are from another country that Filipinos would decorated such solemn tombs with balloons and bright decorations, but to the Filipinos it almost lifts some of the burden of losing a loved one.



Philippine culture is related to Polynesian, Micronesian, Malaysian and Latin American cultures. The people today are mostly Polynesians, although there are people with Spanish, Micronesian, Mexican, Malaysian and Chinese blood. Geographically, the Philippines is considered part of Southeast Asia.

However, the Philippine culture has many differences with other Asian cultures, and has similarities with the cultures of the Pacific Islands and Latin America, such as in language, food, religion, traditions and ethnicity.

It is known to Filipinos that they are descendants of people who came from Malaysia, however that is not true. Most Filipinos are Malay, but Malay doesn't mean from Malaysia, it means the Polynesians. The indigenous culture is related to those of Melanesia and the later Polynesian culture has similarities to Pacific Island cultures. These similarities include the Filipino language and ethnicity; most common with that of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands. The Spanish colonization heavily influenced the culture.

The most significant influence is the religion - Catholicism, plus, Spanish is spoken in some parts of the Philippines, and there are even some descendants of the Colonizers today. As well as the Spanish culture, the Native Mexican culture was introduced as the Philippines was governed from Mexico. In Filipino, there are many borrowed words from Native Mexican languages. And Some people also have Native American origins.

Today, many people do not acknowledge the Philippine's relations with Latin America, Spain and the Pacific Islands. Instead, because of the country's location, it is common to notice the similarities with other Asian countries, although there are much less.

The indigenous population in the Philippines, known as the Negritos, has many similarities with the people of Melanesia and Papua New Guinea. Some of these people wear traditional clothes such as grass skirts, live in isolated villages in the mountains and rainforest and practice traditional hunter-gatherer lifestyles.

After the Negritos, Groups of Polynesians came to the Philippines, coming from Taiwan (Filipinos are not descendants of the Han-Chinese Taiwanese people who inhabit Taiwan today, but the Taiwanese aborigines, who have a very small population.) and spreading as far as Madagascar, Hawaii, New Zealand and Easter Island. Today you can see similarities in language, ethnicity and traditions between the Philippines and Pacific Island cultures, as they have common origins.

Later, a small amount of people coming from Malaysia and Indonesia also settled the islands.


Spanish colonization in the Philippines lasted from 1565 to 1898. Most of that time the islands were governed from Mexico and later directly from Spain. As a result, there is a significant amount of Spanish and Mexican influence in Philippine customs and traditions. Hispanic influences are visible in traditional Philippine folk music and dance, cuisine, festivities, religion, ethnicity and language. In Filipino, there are many Native American words that were introduced by the Mexicans in the Philippines.

The most visible example of Spanish are the Spanish names of Filipinos, which were given through a tax law, the thousands of Spanish loanwords in native languages such as Tagalog and Cebuano, the Spanish speaking parts of the Philippines, and the majority Catholic religion.

Later, the Philippines was a territory of the United States from 1898 until 1946. American influences are widely evident in the use of the English language, and in contemporary pop culture, such as music, film, fast-food, and basketball.

There are also strong similarities with the Pacific islands, Mexico, and Spain. There are some similarities with Islamic Malaysian and Indonesian cultures, and Chinese and Japanese.

This following article from Wikipedia is about the Latin American holiday. (MEXICO)

[PHOTO - Day of the Dead ofrenda.]

Day of the Dead (Spanish: Día de los Muertos) is a Mexican holiday. The holiday focuses on gatherings of family and friends to pray for and remember friends and family members who have died.

It is particularly celebrated in Mexico, where it attains the quality of a National Holiday. The celebration takes place on November 1st and 2nd, in connection with the Catholic holidays of All Saints' Day (November 1) and All Souls' Day (November 2).

Traditions connected with the holiday include building private altars honoring the deceased using sugar skulls, marigolds, and the favorite foods and beverages of the departed and visiting graves with these as gifts.

Scholars trace the origins of the modern Mexican holiday to indigenous observances dating back hundreds of years and to an Aztec festival dedicated to a goddess called Mictecacihuatl. In Brazil, Dia de Finados is a public holiday that many Brazilians celebrate by visiting cemeteries and churches. In Spain, there are festivals and parades, and, at the end of the day, people gather at cemeteries and pray for their dead loved ones. Similar observances occur elsewhere in Europe, and similarly themed celebrations appear in many Asian and African cultures.


Sculpture with skeletons made for Day of the Dead at the Museo de Arte Popular, Mexico City.People go to cemeteries to be with the souls of the departed and build private altars containing the favorite foods and beverages as well as photos and memorabilia of the departed. The intent is to encourage visits by the souls, so that the souls will hear the prayers and the comments of the living directed to them. Celebrations can take a humorous tone, as celebrants remember funny events and anecdotes about the departed.

Plans for the day are made throughout the year, including gathering the goods to be offered to the dead. During the three-day period, families usually clean and decorate graves; most visit the cemeteries where their loved ones are buried and decorate their graves with ofrendas ("offerings"), which often include orange mexican marigolds (Tagetes erecta) called cempasúchitl (originally named cempoalxochitl, Nahuatl for "twenty flowers").

In modern Mexico, this name is sometimes replaced with the term Flor de Muerto ("Flower of the Dead"). These flowers are thought to attract souls of the dead to the offerings.

[PHOTOS - Catrinas, one of the most popular figures of the Day of the Dead celebrations in Mexico.]

Toys are brought for dead children (los angelitos, or "the little angels"), and bottles of tequila, mezcal or pulque or jars of atole for adults. Families will also offer trinkets or the deceased's favorite candies on the grave. Ofrendas are also put in homes, usually with foods such as candied pumpkin, pan de muerto ("bread of the dead"), and sugar skulls and beverages such as atole.

The ofrendas are left out in the homes as a welcoming gesture for the deceased. Some people believe the spirits of the dead eat the "spiritual essence" of the ofrendas food, so even though the celebrators eat the food after the festivities, they believe it lacks nutritional value. Pillows and blankets are left out so that the deceased can rest after their long journey. In some parts of Mexico, such as the towns of Mixquic, Pátzcuaro and Janitzio, people spend all night beside the graves of their relatives. In many places, people have picnics at the grave site as well.

Some families build altars or small shrines in their homes; these usually have the Christian cross, statues or pictures of the Blessed Virgin Mary, pictures of deceased relatives and other persons, scores of candles and an ofrenda. Traditionally, families spend some time around the altar, praying and telling anecdotes about the deceased. In some locations, celebrants wear shells on their clothing, so that when they dance, the noise will wake up the dead; some will also dress up as the deceased.

Public schools at all levels build altars with ofrendas, usually omitting the religious symbols. Government offices usually have at least a small altar, as this holiday is seen as important to the Mexican heritage.

Those with a distinctive talent for writing sometimes create short poems, called calaveras ("skulls"), mocking epitaphs of friends, describing interesting habits and attitudes or funny anecdotes. This custom originated in the 18th or 19th century, after a newspaper published a poem narrating a dream of a cemetery in the future, "and all of us were dead", proceeding to "read" the tombstones. Newspapers dedicate calaveras to public figures, with cartoons of skeletons in the style of the famous calaveras of José Guadalupe Posada, a Mexican illustrator. Theatrical presentations of Don Juan Tenorio by José Zorrilla (1817–1893) are also traditional on this day.

A common symbol of the holiday is the skull (colloquially called calavera), which celebrants represent in masks, called calacas (colloquial term for "skeleton"), and foods such as sugar or chocolate skulls, which are inscribed with the name of the recipient on the forehead. Sugar skulls are gifts that can be given to both the living and the dead. Other holiday foods include pan de muerto, a sweet egg bread made in various shapes from plain rounds to skulls and rabbits, often decorated with white frosting to look like twisted bones.

José Guadalupe Posada created a famous print of a figure that he called La Calavera de la Catrina ("calavera of the female dandy") as a parody of a Mexican upper-class female. Posada's striking image of a costumed female with a skeleton face has become associated with the Day of the Dead, and Catrina figures often are a prominent part of modern Day of the Dead observances.

[PHOTO - Gran calavera eléctrica ("Grand electric skull") by José Guadalupe Posada, 1900–1913.]

The traditions and activities that take place in celebration of the Day of the Dead are not universal and often vary from town to town. For example, in the town of Pátzcuaro on the Lago de Pátzcuaro in Michoacán, the tradition is very different if the deceased is a child rather than an adult.

On November 1 of the year after a child's death, the godparents set a table in the parents' home with sweets, fruits, pan de muerto, a cross, a rosary (used to ask the Virgin Mary to pray for them) and candles. This is meant to celebrate the child's life, in respect and appreciation for the parents. There is also dancing with colorful costumes, often with skull-shaped masks and devil masks in the plaza or garden of the town.

At midnight on November 2, the people light candles and ride winged boats called mariposas (Spanish for "butterflies") to Janitzio, an island in the middle of the lake where there is a cemetery, to honor and celebrate the lives of the dead there.

In some parts of the country (especially the cities, where in recent years there are displaced other customs), children in costumes roam the streets, knocking on people's doors for a calaverita, a small gift of candies or money; they also ask passersby for it. This custom is similar to that of Halloween's trick-or-treating and is relatively recent.

Some people believe that possessing Day of the Dead items can bring good luck. Many people get tattoos or have dolls of the dead to carry with them. They also clean their houses and prepare the favorite dishes of their deceased loved ones to place upon their altar or ofrenda.

Friday, October 28, 2011
Philippine Culture and Tradition: Undas (All Souls Day and All Saints Day)
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While some part of the world is busy preparing for the festive Halloween celebration and excited with their costume parties and trick or treating, I'd like to believe that most Filipinos are busy preparing for the observance of Undas this coming November 1 and 2.

Undas is the Philippines' celebration of the All Saints Day and the All Souls Day. It is an annual tradition where we honor our dead by visiting their remains in cemeteries to pray for their souls and remember them. We have our loved ones puntod and lapida (grave and memorial stone with inscriptions) cleaned and repainted for the celebration. We bring flowers, the atang (food and drink offering for the souls) and light candles. Some even bring framed pictures of their dearly departed loved ones and most stay over night reciting the Rosary and the Litany for the Dead. The living relatives also take this time to bond with each other.

Undas is a much honored religious tradition in the country which explains why it is included in our list of non-working holidays. In fact this year, the government also declared October 31st (Monday) as a non-working holiday thereby granting a 4-day long weekend vacation which means more time to properly observe the All Saints Day and the All Souls Day. This is because many Filipinos go home to their provinces where their dead are buried.

I remember how my family used to brave our way to Loyola Memorial Park in Marikina City. The traffic every Undas had always been literally bumper to bumper but I never complained because I knew I was going to see my cousins. As children, we used to make wax balls out of melted candles and exchange ghost stories all through the night. We enjoyed roaming the big cemetery and never failed to get lost in the throng of people strolling to and fro. It was always hard to find our way back to our "tent" because almost everyone had their own that looked like ours, as they were also camping out in their loved ones' graves. Miraculously, our lolo and lola's (grandparents) puntod (grave) seemed to show itself whenever we were on the verge of panic and tears. My uncles and aunts would bring their own share of food as pot luck and the whole family would eat together and pray. Some of the older ones would start reminiscing and tell stories about our departed grand parents and the children would be eager to listen.

The tradition is mostly based on the Filipinos' belief, particularly the Catholics, in the "communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the body and life everlasting..." as recited in the Apostle's Creed. We pray for the poor souls in purgatory where we believe the departed souls are being cleansed for the sins they have committed when they were still alive to make them worthy of entering the kingdom of God. Their stay in the purgatory is believed to be shortened if we constantly pray and offer sacrifices for them, in return the poor souls also help and pray for the living. The celebration of the Undas is the time to remember all the members of the Mystical Body of Christ, the Church Triumphant in Heaven (The Saints), the Church Militant on Earth (The Living) and the Church Suffering in Purgatory (Poor Souls). For a more detailed explanation, you may check out an article HERE.
Undas (also known as Todos los Santos, Araw ng mga Patay, or All Saints' Day) is a holiday honoring the dead, widely celebrated in the Philippines. Filipino families traditionally visit cemeteries on November 1 or 2, to hold gatherings around the graves of their departed loved ones and lay out flowers and candles. Often the occasion is treated as a reunion or banquet, with families bringing food and drink and camping out all day or even overnight. It is an official, state-recognized holiday, so people get leave from school or work on these days. Contents |

* 1 Tradition * 2 Other practices * 3 References * 4 Citation |
Some families visit the cemetery several days in advance to clean up the grave site and repaint the tombstones, so that the graves look more presentable on the day itself. They also offer masses in memory of the faithful departed.
Pangangaluluwa is a practice usually seen in the provinces, where a group of people stop by different houses on the night of All Saints' Day, singing and asking for alms and prayers. They are said to represent the souls stuck in purgatory, asking for prayers from the living to help them get to heaven.
Pag-aatang or Atang is an Ilocano belief and practice -- a food offering for the departed soul to show respect, affection and remembrance for the loved ones who passed away.
Other practices
With everyone flocking to the cemetery at the same time, there is usually heavy traffic on the surrounding roads, particularly in Manila. Finding a parking space is extremely difficult. Cemetery visitors often find it easier to just walk to their family plot.
In Manila, city mayors often organize "Project Undas" in anticipation of the holiday. This includes driving out squatters who erect makeshift houses inside public burial sites, chasing down drug addicts who hide in empty tombs, and organizing traffic routes to ease the anticipated traffic jam.
Two or three days before All Saints' Day, sellers of flowers or candles sometimes jack up their prices by as much as 500 percent. People swarm to different flower markets such as the Dangwa Flower Market to buy made to order or ready-made flower arrangements to be offered for their departed loved ones.
The holiday is often linked with the spooky American-inspired celebration of Halloween on October 31st. TV programs such as news or expose shows often have special episodes themed around ghosts and hauntings.
* Wow Paradise Philippines. (accessed on October 28, 2008). * Rolando Tolentino blogspot. (accessed on October 28, 2008). * Balita Pinoy. (accessed on October 28, 2008). *
(Article formally titled, "Healing Arts of the Philippines - Part I," by Virgil J. Mayor Apostol as featured in Bamboo Girl – #9 / Millennium Issue; Filipinas Magazine – vol. 10 no. 109; Rapid Journal - vol. 5 no. 3; The Filipino Martial Arts – vol. 2 no. 6; Filipino Press – May-July 1999; and on the websites: Jade Dragon Online; Metamind, Adobo, and Asia Pacific Universe). Derived from Apostol’s forth-coming book on traditional Filipino healing. Copyright © 1999.)

Hands-on therapy in the Philippines is a tradition as old as its first inhabitants on the islands. Known in the local languages and dialects as Hilot or Hilut (Tagalog, Dumagat, Manobo, Bicolano, Visayan), Aplos (Bontoc), Aptus (Ivatan), Unar (Kalinga), Kemkem (Pangasinan), Ilot or Ilut (Ilocano, Itawis, Zambal, Pampango), Ilu (Ibanag), Ilat (Isneg) Elot (Ilongot), Agod or Agud (Maguindanaon, Maranao), and Hagud (Bukidnon), just to name a few. Ablon (Northern Ilocano) is part of the traditional folk medicine that has survived the ages despite the coming of modern technology. * There are various specialties of a folk doctor (arbolario) such as the practitioner of Ablon or Ilut (mangablon or mangngilut), herbalist (mangngagas), bonesetter (mammullo), obstetrics (partera), and other specialists such as snake- or animal-bite curer (mannuma) and shaman or spiritual healer (mangallag). Yet all of these practices have their roots common to the healing modalities of other Southeast Asian countries including those of Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, as well as those of the Pacific Islands.

Lying just above the equator, the Philippines is situated in the Pacific Ocean, north of Indonesia, east of Vietnam, and south of Taiwan. A tropical climate is endured with a cooler dry season from March through June, and a wet season the rest of the year.

Filipinos belong to the Austric stock of peoples that inhabit an area extending from Madagascar off the coast of East Africa, to Easter Island in the middle of the Pacific Ocean. There are even those who believe that the Philippines was once part of the ancient continent of Lemuria that was swallowed up by the Pacific Ocean long before Atlantis was in the Atlantic Ocean.

As the natives migrated into the three major islands - Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao, with them came their animistic beliefs and customs. Assimilation through migration and trade was the influence of Hindu-Malayan and Islamic-Malayan cultures via the islands to the south, as well as the European influence of Spanish conquest, a domain that lasted over 300 years since the 16th century. Thus, practices from a conglomeration of sciences, religions, arts, and medical practices, are still evident throughout the islands to this present day. Prevalent, though, is a spiritualistic character that oversees the etymology or diagnosis of an illness to the actual healing.

On a metaphysical level, sickness may be caused by several reasons such as a disturbed spirit which are dwellers of the animate or inanimate, nakadalapus - when one has accidentally walked through or met with a bad spirit, or even when cutting down a tree without asking permission of the spirit dweller. In such cases, an animistic food offering (atang) along with a prayer (kararag) or Latin oracion (incantation) is one solution. But for healers versed in the physical arts, hands-on therapy is also initiated to help drive away any spirit thought to have lodged itself in the etheric level of its victim. By driving away the bad spirit, the patient would get well.

From the metaphysical to the physical level, an indigenous concept of a hot-cold syndrome plays an important role in how nature affects the human organism. For example, after one has worked hard in the fields, or any type of strenuous activity, the body is understood to be hot. But one who takes a cold bath shortly after, throws off the physiological state that the body is in, plunging it abruptly from hot to cold. From this point, the | It is considered taboo to destroy an anthill (bunton) lest the elemental spirit that resides within takes revenge. Photo Copyright © 2000 | Virgil Apostol. | * body to cold. From this point, the body becomes susceptible to illness.
The healer advises the patient not to bathe after a treatment because the body has undergone a similar process of working hard. The patient also needs time to regulate the temperature and spiritual bio-energies through the transitory state that the body is undergoing. Likewise, the healer allows his or her hands and body to rest before washing or else the same effect might occur. But if it is found necessary to wash, heated water, slightly warmer than body temperature, is used. Many prefer the use of alcohol for washing.

The concept of a hot-cold syndrome is found in the Philippines, as well as other Southeast Asian countries. For example, a humid condition opens up the pores and causes the body to sweat. Wind (angin) then blows on the body and cools the sweat, its coldness transferring into the body. If not attended to, a disruption of the natural internal balance occurs; the vigor is weakened, thus causing the body to become susceptible to sickness. This is why parents make sure their children are kept dry and covered, especially if there is a breeze since the pores are still considered open. The hot-cold syndrome plays an important role in other aspects as well such as in diet, emotions, relationships, etc.

There also exists an ancient science and theoretical counterpart to the metaphysical level of sickness. The belief in spiritual energetic vessels, called urat and pennet sets the foundation of how massage practices in the Philippines evolved. Not only does the urat and pennet carry spiritual energy, but also describes structures such as nerves, veins, tendons, arteries, sinews, ligaments, muscles, intestines, windpipe, etc. In other words, an urat and pennet describes a channel- or tube-like structure that anything can pass through. The concept of the urat and pennet is discovered to be parallel in concept with the native scientific theories of neighboring countries.

In the Ayurvedic and yogic traditions of India, the nadis are vessels that carry prana or life force energy. The srotas, on the other hand, are carriers of blood, air, food, water, plasma, sweat, lymph, etc. Being highly complex since historical times, their influence has reached eastern and western nations.

In the Thai practice of Nuad Bo’Rarn, or Thai manual medicine, the en or sen en are not only carriers prana, but also describe structures that are long, hollow, and tubular such as veins, blood vessels, tendons, cartilage, muscles, and ligaments. Thai medical practices were well established dating back to the time of the Buddha.

Pidjat and Urut, which are the Indonesian and Malaysian names for massage and manual medicine (Apun in Balinese), use the terms urat and uat (just like some of the Northern Luzon languages) to describe tendons, nerves, veins, blood vessels, muscles, as well as a transporter of spiritual bio-energy. These countries have preserved their traditional lontar or usada medical texts, which, in the past, have been inscribed on palm leaves for centuries.

The concept or acknowledgment of these spiritual or physical vessels has also traveled into the outlying islands. In Guam Micronesia, massage (Lasa) manipulates the gugat. The physical vessels are also known among many Pacific Islanders as uaua, a’a, waan, etc. Not only does this show a linguistic tie, but also points out that the belief in spiritual energy vessels or physical vessels, is not an uncommon concept and is shared by many cultures.

My maternal grandmother, Alejandra “Allang” Mayor, was a well-rounded healer and her knowledge of the urat and pennet was unique. One of her testimonials was regarding a patient that had inflammation of the lymph (babara), and in this case, of the groin. Since the inflammation was predominantly on one side, she treated this by systematically working the armpit opposite to the inflammation, following an “x” or contralateral lines.

With this concept of contralateral lines, she would treat similar cases, not only through Ablon, but also by tying a string around the toes, especially the tangan (big toe), a similar practice that is also found in India. The linking of these distant urat basically follow the same principle as in the Thai sen kalathari vessels which crosses at the navel and connects the opposite extremities down to the fingers and toes.

Since the urat is believed to have an interconnection throughout the entire body, its manipulation can have effective results. One of my Arnis teachers back in the Philippines was the town’s midwife. One day, a couple with their baby, about one-year-old, came to him not only because he was their midwife, but also because their baby had a fever for four days straight. Due to open wounds to my teacher’s hands, he asked me to handle it. I found the baby nonlethargic and responsive with smiles. The body temperature, though, was hot when touched.

Diluting some vinegar (suka) with water and applying it several times to the insides of the elbows, knees, and on the soles and palms, I began to manipulate the urat on the soles paying particular attention to those on the tangan (big toe). During this time, the baby continued smiling. Then after a couple of minutes, the baby began to cry. Almost instantaneously, beads of sweat, which seemed as big as kernels of corn, broke free from the top of the baby’s head (diaphoresis)! This was dried off immediately and I instructed the parents to keep the head covered. By this time, the baby’s temperature drastically reduced down to normal. | Apostol treating a baby for a feverish condition. Photo Copyright © 2004 | Virgil Apostol. | *
Those who become healers believe that they have a special calling. Some claim that various spirits instructed them, that they are a product of breech birth (suni) as my grandmother was, or part of a family whose tradition is being passed on. But for a foreigner (or one who is not familiar with Southeast Asian healing modalities) to learn, he or she must be open-minded, grasp the concepts, and have an idea of the culture and environment in order to truly understand how and why Filipino and other Southeast Asian healing modalities developed and practiced in their unique * ways. It is quite interesting to note that many Filipino elders, who are experts in the native healing arts, are also experts in the native martial arts (e.g. Arnis and Escrima). It is as if these two arts are two sides of a coin. If an injury were to occur during practice or an actual encounter, such knowledge would make a difference in the recovery process.

My grandfather, Lucio Respicio Mayor, was such a person. Besides from his expertise in Siete Tero, his other art was called Cuerdas, an adopted Spanish term translating as “cords” which is synonymous to the urat. Depending on the desired result, Mayor was able to cause his victim to fall unconscious, collapse with temporary paralyses, become hysterical, and cause internal hemorrhage or epistaxis among other things, all accomplished by knowing which points to attack. It was usually on the back of the body, opposite side of the point struck, or along the urat that a counter-point or area was manipulated in order to reverse what was initiated. Herbal medicine was administered such as the chewing and swallowing of young guava leaves to help in coagulation if one were spitting up blood. For a bleeding cut, the leaves were first masticated then applied externally. Sometimes the inner skin-layer of a bamboo tube was used to seal the cut.

Besides from blows or cuts received from strikes or slashes, injuries in the practice of Arnis can also result in musculoskeletal problems. For example, if I was to strike you and you disarmed me, that disarm might have involved a torque or twist to my wrist, thus causing injury. As a result, the wrist can swell – a natural occurrence when the body needs to prevent it from excessive movement. The only problem is that when this swelling takes place, the muscles and tendons eventually have the tendency to create adhesions, which are basically the hardening of the surrounding structure. The end result – limited range of movement and possible long-term soreness. With the knowledge of Ablon, one would be able to help breakdown the accumulation of toxins, avoid major swelling, as well as prevent the occurrence of adhesions, all through the balancing of the urat and pennet. Overall, healing will speed up.

Another advantage of possessing knowledge of Ablon is the acquaintance with the human body. I had a friend, Eddie Lastra, who flew down to see me about his shoulder. One of his favorite Arnis styles was the sword and dagger, but every time he would thrust forward with the dagger in his left hand, his shoulder did not want to cooperate. For many years, he endured pain to this area. After a few sessions of Ablon, what we discovered was that every time he thrust forward to the upper chest, neck, or head region (especially with most of his opponents taller than he), his elbow was extended horizontally. This caused an impingement in his shoulder while in motion that resulted in wear and tear. The option of keeping the elbow pointing down while thrusting was more natural to the shoulder joint and did not cause any pain. Now, Mr. Lastra is a happy thruster!

During an interview, one of the questions was what would I suggest to someone interested in learning Hilot or Ablon. I responded by saying that the introduction of Ablon or Hilot into the mainstream needs to go through the right channels to receive proper accreditation and support within the field of Alternative or Holistic Medicine before spreading to individuals who do not have some sort of professional state license. This will protect the trustworthiness and integrity of the Filipino healing arts in the future.

If someone is sincere in learning the healing arts, they need to realize that they are dealing with a practice in the medical field whether it be folk or contemporary medicine. This is not a game and needs to be done in a proper manner. However, I would highly support anyone who wishes to enter this field.

Traditional healing methods are continuously sought despite the presence of hospitals and medical clinics. They are also sought not only because they are less expensive, but also because they get satisfying results. Even in the more populous towns and cities, there are those who would visit a folk doctor for certain ailments before going to a medical doctor, or vice versa when one would go to a folk doctor after finding no hope from a medical doctor. Some enjoy the better of these two worlds.

Although some oppose the integration of traditional and western medicine, there is a growing crowd that is for this merging. What usually happens, though, is that the physicians of western medicine usually hold the monopoly or the upper hand backed up by large organizations and money. Whatever the physicians say the humble folk healers must abide by. This strips them of their holistic practices by displacing them into the mainstream. Other attempts are to commercialize traditional medicine as a tourist attraction.

Fortunately, in many cases, doctors and health professionals feel just at home when traditional medicine is concerned, not only because it comes with the culture but because they are open-minded and may have integrated them into their own practice. It is sometimes evident that there are those that seem to be on a race to catch up with the mainstream, high-tech medical practices abroad, but time will come when they, too, will catch up with the many who are preaching the concept of mind-body medicine synthesizing traditional holistic health care practices with conventional medicine.

The concept of mind-body medicine may be new to many, but not to the ancients who were naturally holistic in their approach to life - physically, mentally, emotionally, and spiritually. The healing arts of the Philippines, and of other great cultures, are a testimony to the wholeness that we seek to return to.

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* Filipinos bring flowers, light candles, and offer their atang (food and drink offering for the souls). Most stay overnight to be with their departed ones and recite the rosary and the Litany of the Dead. Living family members do this, to also bond with each other.
Filipinos bring flowers, light candles, and offer their atang (food and drink offering for the souls). Most stay overnight to be with their departed ones and recite the rosary and the Litany of the Dead. Living family members do this, to also bond with each other.
A study of alternative medicine in the
Philippines is, inevitably, a study of the origins of its people and the amalgam of cu ltures and influences: Centuries of Spanish colonial rule and the indelible consequences of its religion, hundreds of years of trade with China and assimilation of its healing arts
, tribal and provincial diversities with its profusion of folklore and mythologies, all redounding into the Filipino's easy disposition for superstitions and the allure for the esoteric, mystical, and fringe.
Certainly, western medicine prevails - in the metropolitan areas, with its heart centers and hospitals plush with the accoutrements of modern medicine, in the provincial capitals and cities equipped with the diagnos tic machineries essential for the commerce of mainstream medicine. But for the major ity of the rural poor - including the urban- suburban poor - there are the chronic crip pling economic disabilities that make mainstream health care unaffordable, often accessed only as a debt-inducing last resort.
For so many in the rural ar eas, health and healing are consigned and relegated to alternative forms of treatment: hand-me-down he rbal concoctions or some form of rural alchemy; prayer-based folkloric therapies; a visit to the faith healer; a consultation with the albularyo or hilot with their bagful of indigenous modalities, dispensing treatments often spiced with a bulong, orasyon or occas ional doses of pharmacy-based therapies.
The frequent use of the hilot skilled in chiropractic manipulations and the albularyo (herbolario, village healer) with hi s bagful of indigenous modalities; the rural folk with their hand-me-down familiarity with the use of wild-crafted herbal medicines and the self-prescribed pharmacotherapy, mo st notably the use of the "magasawang gamot." One might see them with small patche s of papers scribed with esoteria of pig- latin prayers pasted or taped on ailing parts (orasyon). Or af ter having tried a variety of herbal medicines, pounded, decocted, or infu sed, they will seek "second opinion" from the local medico or the provincial physic ian who might prescribe some affordable mainstream treatment. Often, finding no relief, they will return to their wild-crafted alternatives or seek another consultation w ith the albularyo who will dispense a second dose of herbs, bulong or orasyon.
And they are not all rural- based. There is a separate bagful of urban-based therapeutic alternatives accesse d by the rich and burgis: impo rted herbals and unapproved pharmaceuticals, cyber mongered tonics and ephemeral snake oils, Chinese herbal alternatives, acupuncture, magne ts, crystals, pranic healing and other new-age fringe.
Indeed, a study of alternative medicine in the Philippines is a window to the complex and fascinating Filipino psyche, its cu ltures and folklore, laden with religion and superstitions, with its motley of saints a nd disease-inducing myt hological creatures - kapre, tikbalang, nuno, asuwang and mangkukulam
- all contributing to a unique system of health care beliefs
Hierarchy of Healers and Specialists in Philippine Folk Medicine
In the hierarchy of healers and specialis ts in Philippine folk medicine, the albularyo may be referred to as the "gener al practitioners. Alt hough knowledgeable in the other folkloric modalities, the albularyo is specially versed in the use of medicinal herbs.
The hilot ambiguously refers both to the manghihilot and magpapaanak
The manghihilot
- masahista, masseur - specializes in techni ques and treatments applicable to sprains, fractures and muskuloskeletal conditions. Th e magpapaanak, besides prenatal visits and delivering babies, often performs the suob r itual. Some healers limit their practice of folkloric therapies to more specialize d modalities. The mangluluop specializes in diagnostic techniques, usually referring the patients after diagnosis to the albularyo, medico, or manghihilot for definitive treatmen ts. The medico is a further specialization, merging age-old folkloric modalities with ingred ients of western medicine - 'prescription' medications, acupuncture, etc. Most of these h ealers consider their healing craft as God- given, a calling from a supernatural being, a nd consequently, their h ealing practices with are profusely infused with prayers and reli gious rituals. Although their patient-base is rural, they are also present in the urba n and suburban communities, albeit in small scattered niches serving burgi s alternative needs, the impoverished or the transplanted rural folk.
The Albularyo
In the rural areas, by tradition and because of chronic economic constraints, the albularyos are the general practitioners, the prim ary dispensers of health care. As with the other healers, there is usually a history of a healer in the family-line and their healing considered a "calling," a power or ability bestowed by a supernatural being, often, attributed to the Holy Spirit. Often lacking in formal education, his skills are based on and honed from hand-me-down practices and lore, with a long period of understudy or apprenticeship with a local healer. Years of patience and study bri ng the healer into a familiarity with the lore a nd rituals of healing, the prayers, and the use of herbal medicinal plants. Some acquire an expertis e in the art of pulse taking and diagnosis.
In a country with numerous and diverse et hnic communities, the dissimilarities in healing practices come as no surprise. The albularyos minister to rural communities with animistic and mythological ethos
profoundly differing from region to region. In the southern Tagalog areas, the mythological landscape is populated by dwarfs, nunos, lamang lupas, tikbalangs and kapres - creatu res that often complicate the conundrum of pathophysiology. Consequently, many of the albularyos diagnostic rituals (tawas, luop) and treatment modalities (tapal, l unas, kudlit, pang-kontra, bulong, orasyon) are affected by the belief in these creatures and to the maladies they cause: na-nuno, na-dwende, na- lamang-lupa. In the northern mountain ethnic commun ities, the albularyo may still be the general provider of folkloric health care and the hilot a familiar specialist and treatment modality. But the mythological creatures diffe r; the kapre and the tikblang are amusing details of the Tagalog imagination. As they perform the "kanyaw" to drive away the evil spirits. As they place great trust in their specialist, the "mambonong" who performs the
"boni" ritual, slaughtering pigs in search of the right kind of "liver" to us e for treatment.

throughout the islands. Prevalent is a spiritua lity that oversees the etymology or diagnosis of an illness.
On a metaphysical level, sickness may have various causes such as the disturbing of spirits such as the result of nakadalapus − when one has encountered a malevolent or ancestral spirit, or even when cutting down a tree without asking permission of the spirit dweller. In such cases, an animistic ritual food offering(atang) along with prayer (kararag) or Latin oracion (incantation) is one measure. For healers versed in the physical arts, manual medicine is also initiated to help drive away any spirit that may have lodged itself in the etheric level of its victim. By driving away the spirit, it is believed that the patient would get well. In the Filipino mind exists a perspective of harmony between physical and metaphysical realms. Apostol receives spiritual energy from medium protector Avelina Ocampo. Manaoag Pangasinan. Photo Copyright © 2000 | Virgil ApostolAn indigenous concept of a hot-cold syndrome, found in various countries, plays an important role in how nature affects the human body. For example, a tropical condition can heat the body, thus opening the pores and causing the body to sweat. Wind(angin) then blows on the body and cools the sweat, its coldness transferring into the body. If not attended to, a disrup tion of the natural internal balance occurs. Vitality may eventually weaken and cause the body to become susceptible to sickness. This is why parents make sure their children are kept dry and covered, especially if there is a breeze since the pores are considered open. Similarly, after one has undergone any stre nuous activity such asworking hard in the fields or playing sports, the body is understood to be hot. But one who takes a cold bath shortly after risks the po ssibility of impairing the physiological activity that the body is currently in, plunging it abruptly from hot to cold which can contribute to a weakening state. But whatever the case, the healer advises the patient not to bathe after receiving a treatment or after any strenuous activitiesbecause the body has undergone a similar process of working hard. The patient also needs time to allow the body temperature and energy to regulate. Likewise, the healer allows his or her hands and body to rest before washing or else the same effect might occur.
But if it is found necessary to wash, heated ater that is slightly warmer than body temperature is used. Many prefer the use of alcohol for washing. Indigenous Science There exists an ancient indigenous scientific counterpart to the metaphysical level of sickness. The belief in vessels, called urat and pennet sets the foundation of how manual medicine in the Philippines evolved. Not only does the urat and pennet carry bio-

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Vission and Mission
“Dingars shall be the center of trade, agriculture and industry in the eastern part of the Ilocos Norte and shall become self-reliant and sustainable community that satisfies the basic needs of its constituents.”
“The political, civic and religious leaders shall give the residents a life of peace, integrity and stability; enhance the social and economic status of their inhabitants; and render dedicated and zealous public service.”
About the Town
”Dingras has a total population of 36,258 with 7,252 households. The Locality’s Average Annual Growth rate is 1.03%. most of the population are engage in farming as the primary source of income.
The Municipality of Dingras has a total area of 17,962 hectares, ranks 8th in size aming the 23 municipalities including Laoag City. It accounts for practically 5.2% of the total land area of Ilocos Norte and corresponding percentage to the municipal area composed of thirty one (31) barangays. Six (6) are on the Poblacion and twenty five (25) in the rural area. Out of the total area 6,305 hectares is devoted to rice and corn production. Other non-productive areas are devoted to livestock production, swine production and other livelihood projects.
The main development trust of the Municipality of Dingras is to prepare the layer of facilities that will respond to the service requirements of the expected growth in industry and in tourism sector. The Municipality of Dingras was indentified as Growth Center of the eastern town of Ilocos Norte by NEDA. As a Growth Center, the LGU of Dingras envisioned to implement priority that will lead to town’s fullest development potentials as well as its surrounding municipalities.
The twenty six (26) rural barangays are divided into four cluster and most of its barangay roads are gravel or earth filled that are hardly unpassable during rainy seasons. Hence, there is a need to improve these barangay roads to provide an efficient linkage of these barangays to the poblacion where commercial establishment and activities are located. Also, these urban barangays possesses a vast agriculture land which produces considerable agriculture harvest all year round, the project will benefit the farmers in the said barangays in transporting their agricultural products to the market.
Establishment of the Town one of the early towns of Ilocos Norte which was established by Juan de Salcedo is the municipality of Dingras. Records of the Augustinian friars show that Dingras was founded by Salcedo in 1598 in the name of St. Joseph as its Patron Saint before Ilocos Norte was divided into Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur in 1819 by the Royal Cedula of February 2, 1818. Its founding was after the establishment of the towns of Batac founded in 1580, San Nicolas founded in 1854, Laoag in 1585. It was succeeded by Paoay, founded in 1593, and Bacarra founded in 1594. After the founding of Dingras in 1598, the other municipalities of Ilocos Norte were established including Badoc in 1714, Sarrat and Vintar in 1724. Creations of other towns were carved out of Dingras like Piddig in 1775, Banna, Santiago (now Solsona), and Marcos in 1960.
Corollary to this, the ruin, town plaza, Spanish ancestral houses, convents, public market of the town were built in accordance of the encomienda system imposed by the Spanish colony. These edifices are living proofs of the glory of Spain in its early days. Owing to a decree issued by that time, these important edifices were built through forced labor performed by the natives where male Filipinos between the ages of 16-60 render services for forty days every year.
Who Finds Dingras
When Capt. Juan De Salcedo was going north in his expedition, he stopped at laoag. He found the natives wearing necklace, bracelets and trinkets of gold. He also found gold dust among their articles of trade. This surprised the capt., so he inquired about the source of their wealth. He was told that some 20 kilometers east of laoag, there was region where gold was as abundant as the leaves of the tress. The news interest the captain, but history failed to record whether or not Salcedo reached the region. The other people heard the news were to find that there was a little or no truth about the reports. Instead of tracing Salcedo’s steps, they paid their attention to the inviting plains and its rivers.
They cut the big tress and cleared the wide plains, and began to build crude homes and till the soil, planting crops like rice, corn and camote. Soon some intelligent people came to settle. More lands were cleared and much wider areas were cultivated until it became a prosperous settlement.
Origin of its Name
As in other communities, the town of Dingras has an interesting legend as to how its name evolved. The legend, as handed down from generation to generation, was classically romantic, a gallant heir - warrior fighting for a lady’s love.
In the early times, there were two prosperous barangays in the present site of the town each one ruled by a powerful chief or datu. They were bitter and mortal enemies. Naslag was the powerful chief of the barangay north of the river while Allawigan was the chief of the south of the river. One day, Allawigan and his warriors went to hunt. Ras, his son, was the bravest among them. During the hunt, Ras followed the deer, which went north across the river. While he was watching the fleeing deer, he saw a beautiful damsel gathering wild flowers on the opposite side of the riverbank. She was Ding, the daughter of Naslag. To help the lady, Ras gathered the most beautiful flowers near him; put them at the head of his arrow and shoot near the lady’s feet. Ding looked at the other side of the river and waved her hands. Ras went home happily.
Ras begged his father for permission to win Ding for his wife. But because the fathers of Ding and Ras were bitter enemies, the only way he could win her was in the open battle fiercely fought between the two tribes. Ras led his father’s warriors. They fought valiant and came out victorious in the end. Ras asked for Ding as a prize but Naslag refused. This angered him and hurled a challenge to the bravest warrior of Naslag in single combat with Ding as prize. The challenge was accepted. The combat was fought, and again, Ras was victorious. He brought Ding triumphantly to Allawigan, his father. Thereafter, the people named the two barangays Dingras, after Ras, their valiant warrior ruler, and Ding, his beautiful wife.
First Inhabitants
It is said that the first people of the place were of Indonesian origin. Later, the civilized Malays occupied the northern sides of the river and moved southward to occupy Naguillan which called Bagut. As settlers increased in number, they moved eastward to occupy the barangay now known as Cacafean and Matantanobog.
About the end of the 18th century, these ethnic groups were raided by the Christian from the lowlands. Among their brave warriors were, Onze, Angin, Langao Dugguing. These leaders lead their warriors in many furious battles, however, they where defeated because of their inferiority, both in numbers and in numbers. Thus, more immigrants occupied the lowlands and the ethnic people retreated to the mountains where their descendants can be located up to now.
The last group to occupy the area were civilized Malays who drove away the Indonesians. The latest immigrants were from Sarrat, Piddig, San Nicolas; others came from Ilocos Sur, Abra and La Union.
Historical Edifices: A Part of the Town’s Establishment
The encomienda system is the form of government commissioned by the Spanish Governor General throughout the foundation of the early established municipalities by Spanish colonizers. This system began in Spain. Originally, encomiendas were assigned to religious orders, charitable groups and Spaniards. The assignment of the grant carried the right to collect tribute from the natives living within the boundaries of the grant. Spaniards were assigned land grants as a reward for their services rendered to the crown. The appointed encomenderos in obedience to the order must have to order it.
Along the encomendero system, construction of churches within the town must built at the center of the community. Near it a plaza was laid out. Surroundings the public square were stone houses of the Spanish residents and the principalia. All the natives were also prevailed to built their houses not far from church.
Farming: A Way of Life
The principal occupation of the people ever since the early settlement of the town is agriculture. There are wide, fertile and flood plains drained by the Padsan River and its tributaries. Irrigation system is extensive. The principal food crop of the people is rice. Tobacco is also one of the important farm products of the people.
Commerce, Trade & Industry Trading in this town received its encouragement in 1885. The Governor set aside one week for market day and the trading center is the Padsan Valley. A modern sanitary market was constructed in 1952.
Vegetable farming and stock raising were among the most important industries of Dingras because of the wide grassy lands for pasturing areas.
The town experience different seasons, the wet and the dry seasons. The very long dry seasons starts from November and last up to April, while the wet or rainy seasons starts from May up to November.
Disecting the town into its northern and southern parts is the Padsan River which flows from the Condillera in the east and moves towards La Paz, Laoag City in the northwest. The river teems with the fresh water fishes and oysters which provide a good source of livelihood for the people.
Development thrust of the Local Government Unit The local leadership is committed to perform the following development thrust to achieve sustainable development:
· Extend the best services in a manner that promotes equality and empowerment as it maintains interactive linkages for the upliftment of life to its highest essence.
· Develop effective, sustainable, and locally-based solutions to address the problem of poverty.
Puts into operational mode the Executive-Legislative Agenda for the next three years under Development Administration, Economic Development, Social Services and Environment Management.
Developmental Role in the Province
The role of the Local Government Unit of Dingras is to help the Provincial Government of Ilocos Norte to build a base of economic development in the local level taking advantage of or filling a specialized make in National Markets; and simultaneously providing its constituents livelihood opportunities and higher income.
Potential Investment Areas
The municipality of Dingras, basically an agricultural town has an irrigated area of 5,135 hectares; rainfed lowland, 828 hectares; upland, 260 hectares, highland or hillside, 915 hectares; and fishpond and creek areas, 32.82 hectares.
The commercial center/business area of the municipality is located at the urban area of the town where several wholesale, retail, stores and shops are also accessible by the public for basic commodities and services.
Beliefs, Customs and Practices
In Dingras, there are elaborated network of beliefs and practices through which he deals with the world around him. These beliefs and practices guide the Dingrenios in going through the different stages of life.
Pregnancy and Childbirth
Dingrenios consider every child "sagut ni Apo Dios" (a God-given gift); hence every child is nurtured with love and adoration. There are a number of beliefs, rites, and taboos intended to protect the child and mother before and after delivery.
A pregnant woman enjoys special attention from the husband and parents. Fastidious about food, she will not be denied of anything lest she suffers a miscarriage, should she crave for a fruit that is out of season, the harassed husband must find a means of securing it. If she expresses a strong liking for the fruits of a particular tree, the tree will henceforth bear sour fruits or die. "Naginawanda ti bungana isu a natay". (The fruits were picked by a pregnant woman, so it died).
The pregnant woman is also warned not to act in certain ways at the door lest she will have a hard labor. Upon giving birth, a binded cloth called "anglem" is burned to drive away evil spirits. In the early days, the woman who has just delivered lied on bed called "balitang" where it is a little bit tilted at the foot so that blood would not come out profusely. A firewood stove is kept burning by the bedside, so the one who newly delivered is "maluto a nalaing". It is in this stove where a pot of water is kept boiling for the mother's drink. The woman is bathed daily with warm water for thirteen days. She is massaged by the "partera" or "mangilot" (midwife) morning and afternoon. On the thirteenth day, she is shampooed with burnt rice stalk. Later, she undergoes "sidor" where three big stones are heated and aromatic leaves are placed and poured with "anisado" with the woman sitting on a chair and covered with big blanket. Here the woman sweats profusely. A big bowl of boiled chicken waits for the woman to eat. The profuse sweating is believed to remove everything bad inside the woman's body.
After the sidor, the woman is ready to go out and visit her neighbors or relatives. Here, she is given "pabalon" which is usually rice. The "pabalon" must have to be cooked in the morning or noon but never in the afternoon so that the child will not be always sleepy when old.
On the fifteenth day, the new mother shall have her "tenneb" which is usually done in the river. She now takes a bath in the river at nine o'clock in the morning. She must walk on the river stones barefooted so she is "maluto a nalaing". After this, she will have a normal life again ready to assume her routinary chores and responsibilities as a mother.
However, within a year after delivery, she is advised not to eat some foods like gabi, linga, carabeef, crabs and shrimps.
Child Rearing
Mothers in Dingras usually breastfeed their babies. They drink a lot of water, eat chicken with marunggay leaves. The milk of the mother should not be spilled lest the house lizard will lick it and there would no longer be milk from the mother. The baby is not weaned before he is one year old. The child should be weaned when the grasses are not robustly growing lest the child will suffer loose bowel movement.
The hair of the child should not be cut not until he is a year old. These beliefs will immune him from diseases. The hair should first be cut by an intelligent person so that he will grow intelligently.
Courtship and Marriage
Before the introduction of Christianity and even during the Spanish regime, the Dingrenios had their own courtship and marriage customs. Parents chose the bride for their son. They prepare "buyo", "suman", "basi" and cooked rice before going to the bride's house to ask her parents for her hand in marriage.
At the onset of the full moon, the party of the parents' groom would go to the house of the girl. They bring along with them an old woman/ men who could do the "dallot". The "dallot" call the attention of the girl's parents for the admittance of their visit. If the purpose of the visit is admitted by the girl's parents, they, too answer in "dallot". Then, the "uli" or "pamanhikan" is done usually on a full moon.
In the "pamanhikan" which may be done three times, the approval and setting of the date of wedding are done. The dowry and bridal attire are also decided in the "uli".
The place of reception during the wedding is usually held at the bridegroom's house. The wedding ceremony is usually officiated by the head of the barangay. The party lasted for many days. It depended on the status of the family of the groom. The groom's family foot all the bills. The relatives of the groom "lalakian" also gave their assistance for they would show their galore at this moment.
Another practice is the "pandangguhan" after the sumptuous meal, where both parties (lalakian and babai-ian) throw coins and pin bills on the bride's and groom's dress. After the "pandangguhan", the coins and money bills are then wrapped in white handkerchief and is turned over to the bride. The couple is advised not to spend the money before the first wedding anniversary.
After the ceremony, the newly wed stay in the groom's house and should not go out lest evil winds would blow on them. After the third day, they would visit relatives of both parties, where they are given tribute to start their wedded life …
During the early times, when death came to a family, the services of an expert would work on the casket. The casket was ochovado. The poor would just be a "tarimban". The wake lasted only for twenty four hours.
Mourning depends on the proximity of the relation to the dead. Mourning for a spouse last for one year; for a mother, nine months – the length of the baby in the mother's womb; for a father, it is seven months. Other relatives may mourn up to three or six months. Usually, the mourners wear black clothes.
During the wake, one is forbidden to clean and sweep the yard and floor. Sour fruits should not be brought inside the house. Taking a bath was also a taboo.
Ceremonies called "panaglaguip" are also offered to the dead where the bereaved family must have to do the "atang" or "lualo". This pananglaguip is done thrice, one after nine days called "makasiam"; the second is after one month called "makabulan" and the last year after a year called "makatawen" or mangwaksi". Preternatural Beings
People of the town believe in spirit, "mangmangkik", "ansisit", "caibaan", "capre" and "di katatawan" (preternatural beings). These spiritual beings are capable of assuming any form and causing illness to those who offend them. The evil spirits cast on man can be driven away by performing rituals, reciting prayers, making offerings, and using the crucifix and holy water.
Folk healers or medium like the "mangngagas", "mangngilot" and the like are called upon to perform rituals and recite prayers that drive away or appease these spirits.
The belief on the preternatural beings has diminished through education. People learn from schools that these beliefs have no scientific explanation. Children learn from the schools that diseases are caused by germs and unsanitary practices.
The sick are brought to hospitals or are treated by physicians. Infants are given vaccinations against diseases like dysentery, typhoid, pneumonia and the like. Education has improved the health condition of the people. Education is slowly erasing the malpractices of the Dingrenios.
Dingras is an agricultural town. It is the Rice Granary of Ilocos Norte.
In the old days farmers had many practices before planting rice. Before planting palay the farmers has to cook malagkit with coconut milk, boil chicken, particularly a rooster, and offer it on a bamboo stand with buyo, basi and cigar under a tree near the rice fields. This is an offering to the unseen spirits who are called upon to help the farmers reap a good harvest.
The farmers sow the seeds after the first rains in May. When it does not rain the farmers and their families perform rituals like having procession in the fields invoking the God of Agriculture to give them rain. They believed that there were practices that angered the spirits so there was drought. Only processions and offerings could appease the spirits.
On planting corn the first three hills should be planted as the sun rises, so the farmer should go to the fields early before sunrise. All other hills may now be planted on the other part of the day. This practice was believed to have the corn grow fast.
Persons with few and broken teeth should not plant corn, lest the corn will have few and inferior grains.
In planting coconuts, the seedlings should be set on the ground during a full moon so that the nuts will grow big like the moon. Coconuts were planted noontime when the sun was overhead and shadows were at their shortest. This belief was for the reason that the coconut trees bear fruits even if they were not tall. While planting coconuts one must carry a child on his shoulder so the coconuts will bear plenty of fruits.
In planting ampalayas, the farmer planting should not smoke cigar lest the fruits will be very bitter. Harvesting should not be done unless another fruit has come out, so that the plants will bear many fruits.
Rice Cultivation
Much of the land in Dingras is ideal for farming because of its wide terrain which receives more rain than most towns of Ilocos Norte. The Dingrenios, through hard work, patience and diligence, have been able to make the land yield enough rice for themselves as well as for other towns and to other regions.
Rice cultivation is the principal livelihood of the Dingrenios. It is their great source of income that enables them finance their educational needs.
Rice cultivation includes three phases – the preparation, planting and harvesting stages. With the use of modern farm technology, there are already three croppings undertaken by the farmers. The main crop is planted in May or June and ready for harvest in the months of September or October; the second crop is planted on September or October and harvested in November or December and the third crop is planted on November or December and harvested in February or in March. In places where third cropping is not possible, garlic, tobacco, onions, vegetables and root crops are planted.
The preparation phase of rice growing includes the selection of good quality seeds called "bin-I" to be soaked or immersed in water for a number of days for its pre germination period. While the "bin-i" is getting ready for its pre-germination period, the rice grower prepares the seedbed called "pagbunubunan".
The "pagbunubunan" is the place where the "bin-i" is broadcasted for its germination period. Usually before the broadcasting of the "bin-i", the farmer must have to cook a "niniogan" – a boiled malagkit with coconut milk for offering called "atang". With it are boiled chicken, boiled native eggs, tobacco, betel nut and leaves with the "basi" (Ilocano wine). This offering is being done with the belief that when the malagkit cooks right, the harvet will be bountiful, but when it is not cooked well, the harvest will not be good.
The second phase of the growing of rice is the planting stage. The farmer must have to transplant the full grown germinated rice seedlins called "bunubon" into the rice paddies already plowed and harrowed.
Before the transplanting period called "panagraep", the farmers do not eat "rabong" (bamboo shoot), cut their hair, and would not give away rice seedlings. Eating "rabong" would make their palay grow tall but without grain. The cutting of hair is a taboo because the palay will be eaten by insects. Givind=g away of rice seedlings when planting is not yet over encourages the spirits which make the plants do not grow and bear fruits well.
The "panagraep" is done through "ammoyo", "partida" or paid labor system. In the "ammoyo" system, one must go and help in the transplanting of rice of another and vice versa. Whereas, in the partida, one must have to pay a group of "agraep" (a number of farmers who do the transplanting of rice) in order to finish the transplanting of rice in a given "kasilong" (the farmland).
The last day of planting season "mangleppas", the farmers would gain offer atang as in the first. f
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Filipino Culture Paper : Nursing Culture Class
Paper topic: The filipino culture

This paper was the final for the nursing culture class in the RN to BSN program. The paper requirement was to interview someone from another culture and evaluate for cultural assimilation. The chosen individual was from the filipino culture and had maintained some on the filipino culture as well as adapted to some of the American culuture. The paper was based on research and an interview with a Filipino woman in relation to the filipino culture.
Terms of use and Disclaimer: Some of the posted papers will utilize the 5th edition APA and others are based on the 6th edition. Due to instruction variances you will notice variety in writing style especially from this paper until the final papers. All papers and drafts have been submitted to turnitin. These papers are for reference only and are not to be copied or submitted as your own work.

Filipino culture paper

XX was an 84-year-old Filipino woman who came to the United States from the Philippines at the age of 24 years as a war bride. Marrying a Caucasian American, she became a naturalized citizen, and considered herself to be a Filipino-American. Living in the United States for many years, she has assumed some American traditions, but also continues with some of her Filipino traditions. She was one of the 1,850,314 Filipino’s living in the United States as reported on the 2000 census (United States Census Bureau, n.d.). An increase of seventy-two percent between the 1990 and 2000 United States census makes the Asian population the fastest growing ethnic group (Ngo-Metzger, Phillips, & McCarthy, 2008).
According to Spector (2004), several races, including those individuals from the Philippines fall under the Asian culture. The Asian culture includes many races with a wide variety of beliefs about health and illness. Some of the generalized Asian beliefs were noted to be different from the beliefs of the Filipino culture. Observations were made of an Asian community that may also have some differences than a purely Filipino community may have. This culture was being evaluated for health and illness beliefs as an Asian community, when possible specifics to the Filipino culture were included.

According to Becker (2003) health in the Filipino culture was based on the principle of balance and harmony. Health was a result of being in balance, while illness was the result of an imbalance. The Filipino people had beliefs about hot and cold, and felt that keeping the body in a warm condition promoted health, while a rapid change between hot and cold could bring on disease and illness (Becker, 2003). According to McBride (2001) childbirth is considered to be a cause of overheating the body by the Filipino culture, and therefore it is felt that cooling off too rapidly after child birth may lead to illness. In the study by Becker (2003) it was discussed that the Filipino people felt a responsibility to their family, and social groups to maintain good health. This feeling of responsibility to the family, rather than an individual responsibility, was noted to be what would lead the Filipino people to seek medical attention when needed, and follow medical treatment plans.

The Asian culture had strong beliefs in family. The Filipino families cared for their children, and the parents expected respect and obedience from their children. The Filipino parents believed in setting rules for the children, and the children were obligated to obey these rules. Although they do obey the rules it was reported that during the adolescent period the parent and child do argue, which seemed to be related to the obligation to obey the rules mixed with the need of the adolescent for autonomy (Darling, Cumsille, & Peña-Alampay, 2005). These strong family beliefs may be contributing to the frustrations the adolescent may feel when trying to be independent, and these beliefs also played a role in health maintenance, as maintaining health was viewed as a responsibility to the family.

To maintain, protect, and restore health the Asian people do many things. The practice of acupuncture, moxibustion, and herbal remedies were common among the Asian culture (Spector, 2004), as were prayers, rituals, and massage (McBride, 2001). Becker (2003) noted that many Filipino’s reported maintaining health through diet, although this may be difficult as rejecting food while a guest in another’s home brings shame to the host in the Filipino culture. Becker’s study also revealed that the Filipino people used exercise, including walking, as a way to maintain health. Bodily awareness was also noted to be an important aspect in maintaining health. It was felt that being aware of the body helped to maintain balance, which equated to maintaining health (Becker). The Filipino people also believed in keeping the body strong by being clean, orderly and appropriate in social situations to maintain balance, and therefore health (McBride). Becker also noted that the Filipino culture believed in Westernized medicine, and that some diseases required medical treatment. They believed the illness should be controlled, and that the individual was responsible to do so. When treating these Filipino-American patients it would be beneficial to use the focus of body awareness in education and treatment plans as this could be a strong tool to enhance disease management. It was also important to note that diet restrictions may be difficult for some based on their cultural beliefs about food (Becker).

The Asian population believed in family centered decision making, which contributed to the cultural beliefs about death and dying. The Asian people often felt that the patient should not be informed of a terminal illness, preferring to protect their family from despair and allowing them to maintain hope. This may contribute to the low hospice use of the Asian population (Ngo-Metzger, Phillips, & McCarthy, 2008). The study by Ngo-Metzger et al (2008) found that although hospice use of the Asian people was low, the Filipino population did tend to enroll in hospice earlier than Caucasians. The thoughts behind this included that Filipino-Americans tended to use more Westernized medicine than other Asian groups. Another contributing factor was likely the fact that approximately eighty percent of the Filipino people were Catholic (McBride, 2001). The Catholic religion believed that dying was the ultimate union with God, and therefore this group may be less against hospice than other Asian groups (Ngo-Metzger et al.). To provide culturally competent care in this situation a more family centered focus would be appropriate, allowing the patient to designate the family to make the decisions. Home hospice would be a culturally appropriate choice as it would allow the family to continue to care for the patient, which is important in the Asian culture (Ngo-Metzger et al.).

The Filipino-American populations, with the high percentage being Catholic, believed that those who lived by the doctrine went to heaven, while the sinners went to hell (Braun & Nichols, 1997). According to Braun and Nichols (1997) when a death occurred the Filipino people held a Novena, in which for 9 days prayers were held each night. The ninth night was an atang, where the individual who had died may return to say their goodbyes. The Filipino culture also held another service on the fortieth day. The family would wear back for the funeral, with the exception being that they wore white if a child had died. The Filipino individual was buried along with their personal belongings.

Although XX grew up in the Philippines, she had resided in the United States for many years. The strong belief in family togetherness, and responsibility to family members were evident in her stories. At the time of the interview XX lived with her daughter, and son-in-law, in a middle class suburban area of Houston. Her neighborhood had a mixture of cultures and races, as was true for Houston, with no one particular culture standing out more than another. Her neighborhood was not representative of her culture, therefore an area in Southwest Houston which was full of Asian culture was observed. This area of Southwest Houston contained many Asian focused businesses. The supermarkets, medical offices, community centers, and churches were all focused toward this culture. The signs on many of these businesses were in Asian symbols, or both Asian as well as English. The street signs in this area were also both in English and an Asian language. This area included a Chinese community center, Chinese fine arts and literature library, and the Hong Kong City Mall. There were also numerous types of Asian restaurants.

This community was observed to have a variety of cultures moving around within it, but a high ratio of Asian individuals were noted. Driving through this area, it was observed to be clean for a Houston area with no major health risks identified. The Asian names on the medical clinics, and pharmacies, were viewed as beneficial to identify these services to those individuals that may not read English. The large grocery store was clean, and contained a variety of food items that were different from the suburban grocery stores in the area. It was obvious that it was geared toward the Asian culture with many oriental items, and food items were labeled with Asian names. This particular supermarket had a small restaurant inside, and a variety of races were observed eating there as well as shopping in the store. There was no evidence that anyone was paying attention to those that were not of their culture. The store employees greeted, and smiled at everyone, regardless of their culture. Some of the foods observed throughout this store were surprising. Although I personally enjoy Chinese food many items that were observed were not anything I would be interested in. I did not have any biases on this culture, as I have always been around a variety of cultures, and some of my best childhood friends were Filipino. I did not feel out of place during this tour as a variety of individuals were observed to be in the area.

Considering this neighborhood community, and the beliefs and practices identified, this area did support the general Asian culture. Medical clinics, pharmacies and grocery stores were visible and were evident to be geared toward the Asian culture by their Asian words and decorations. As many Filipino-Americans believed in Westernized medicine, this area supported that by offering regular medical clinics. Although the clinics themselves were not entered, it would be expected that the medical staff spoke a variety of Asian languages to accommodate this vast range of cultures. A benefit of having medical care within this Asian community would be that they would understand the different beliefs and practices of the Asian patients. This would allow for culturally competent care of XX and the Asian population in that they would know what to ask to obtain a comprehensive history. They would also be aware of the cultural desires for same sex providers. Having Asian providers in this community may help in improving the number of Asian people with a primary care provider. According to Healthy People 2010, only seventy-two percent of all Asians have a primary care provider, compared to the national average of seventy-seven percent. Increasing the national average to eighty-five percent was one of the objectives of Healthy People 2010. Overall, an understanding of the culture they are treating would be deemed a great benefit, and may improve these statistics. Although these particular medical services were provided in a highly Asian community, all healthcare providers should be responsible to take cultural differences into consideration while providing care.

Some things that may seem very small to health care providers may make a huge impact on someone from another culture. Spector (2004) discussed that the Asian population often does not like hospital food, and rather than complain they would become quiet and withdrawn (Spector, 2004). Being aware of this may help the nurse to ask questions, or offer something different if this behavior was noted. To show respect it is important to not address the Filipino person by their first name (McBride, 2001). The Asian culture often does not maintain eye contact during discussions, but it would be important to note this is a sign of respect on their part. The Asian people also have a strong preference to be cared for by someone of the same gender (Arif, 2006), and being aware, and honoring this may make a big difference in the perception of the care received. To provide culturally competent care, health care providers should keep some of these points in mind, and be cognizant of the culture they are caring for. Respecting an individual’s beliefs and values while providing care, ultimately assists in providing culturally competent care.

References for filipino culture paper

Arif, Z. (2006). Shame on you. Nursing Standard, 20(36), 32-33. Retrieved July 24, 2009 from Academic search complete

Becker, G. (2003). Cultural expressions of bodily awareness among chronically ill Filipino Americans. Annals of Family Medicine, 1(2), 113-118. Retrieved July 24, 2009 from Nursing/Academic Edition

Braun, K. L., & Nichols, R. (1997). Death and dying in four Asian American Cultures: A descriptive study. Death Studies, 21(4), 327-259. Retrieved July 24, 2009 from Academic search complete

Darling, N., Cumsille, P., & Peña-Alampay, L. (2005). Rules, Legitimacy of Parental Authority, and obligation to obey in Chile, the Philippines, and the United States. New Directions for Child & Adolescent Development, 2005(108), 47-60. Retrieved July 24, 2009 from Academic search complete

Healthy People 2010 (n.d.). 1-5.1-5. Increase the proportion of persons with a usual primary care provider. Retrieved July 25, 2010, from

McBride, M. (2001). Health and health care of Filipino American elders. Retrieved July 24, 2009, from

Ngo-Metzger, Q., Phillips, R. S., & McCarthy, E. P. (2008). Ethnic disparities in hospice use among Asian-American and Pacific Islander patients dying with cancer. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 56(1), 139-144. Retrieved July 24, 2009 from Academic search complete

Spector, R. E. (2004). Cultural diversity in health and illness (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc.

United States Census Bureau (n.d.). American factfinder: Quick tables. Retrieved July 24, 2009, from qr_name=DEC_2000_SF1_U_QTP7&-ds_name=DEC_2000_SF1_U&-CONTEXT=qt&-redoLog=false&-_caller=geoselect&-geo_id=01000US&-geo_id=NBSP&-format=&-_lang=e

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| bicolano by: Diana Lyn Lopez | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | The term "Bicol" could have been derived from "Bico," the name of a river which drains in San Miguel Bay. Possible origins also include the bikul or bikal bamboo tree which line rivulets, and the ancient native word bikod meaning "twisted" or "bent". The region, administratively known as Region V, is located on the southeastern end of Luzon; it is surrounded by the Visayan Sea in the south, the Pacific Ocean I the east, Lamon Bay in the north, and Sibugan Sea and Quezon province in the west.


The Bicol region was known as Ibalon, variously interpreted to derive form ibalio, "to bring to the other side"; ibalon, "people from the other side" or "people who are hospitable and give visitors gifts to bring home"; or as a corruption of Gibal-ong, a sitio of Magallanes, Sorsogon where the Spaniards first landed in 1567. The Bico River was first mentioned in Spanish Documents in 1572. The region was also called "Los Camarines" after the huts found by the Spaniards in Camalig, Albay. No prehistoric animal fossils have been discovered in Bicol and the peopling of the region remains obscure. The Aeta from Camarines Sur to Sorsogon strongly suggest that aborigines lived there long ago, but earliest evidence is of middle to late Neolithic life.

A barangay (village) system was in existence by 1569. Records show no sign of Islamic rule nor any authority surpassing the datu (chieftain). Precolonial leadership was based on strength, courage, and intelligence. The native seemed apolitical. Thus the datu's influence mattered most during crises like wars. Otherwise, early Bicol society remained family centered, and the leader was the head of the family.

The Bicol were described by some Spanish chroniclers as fierce warriors. Thus their history comprises many battles against foreign incursions. Sorsogon participated in Samar's Sumuroy Revolt in 1649. Over 400 suspected rebel sympathizers were massacred in Pilar, and some local friars exiled. In Camarines, minor rebellions occurred contemporaneously with the Sumuroy rebellion and during the British occupation of Manila between 1762 and 1764.

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Geography defines the region's traditional occupations, agriculture and fishing. Bicol's occupations, agriculture and fishing. Bicol's agricultural sector contributes 60% of the gross regional domestic product, with the services and industrial sectors contribution 30% and 10%. Rice, coconut, and abaca are major crops. About half the farming land cultivates coconut while 20% and 10% are planted to rice and abaca, respectively. Bicol ranks second to eastern Visayas in abaca production. Rice, the staple is supplemented with corn and root crops. Bicol is currently the largest producer of sweet potato, and the third largest producer of cassava and calamansi. Coffee and cacao are also grown.

Bicol's tourism industry is another source of income. Among the more popular sites are the perfect cone-shaped Mayon Volcano, Lake Buhi, Pasacao Beach, Nats Beach, And San Jose Beach in Camarines Sur, Bulusan's mountain lake, Tiwis' geothermal plant and Cagsaua beach. The Philippine Tourism Authority is developing the Maranawa falls in Bato, Catanduanes into a nature park and resort.

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Some national executive offices and constitutionally mandated bodies have regional branches in Legaspi. Bicol is served by three Regional Trial courts and four Municipal Circuit Trial Courts. In Congress, Bicol is represented by 11 members (1991): four from Camarines Sur, one from Camarines Norte, two from Masbate, two from Sorsogon, and two from Albay.


Naming children according to their attributes of the conditions marking their birth was a regional custom. The solemnity of Bicol death rites, however, ahs never been determined by class even if these have tended to be more elaborate for higher ranking individuals.

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Bicol religiosity is deeply rooted. Sometimes Christian faith is expressed through indigenous forms, and indigenous beliefs may assume a Christian face. Some beliefs and customs related to farming the life cycle, talismans, and divination survive in the consciousness of the contemporary Bicol, even the educated.

The prehispanic beliefs in the hierarchy of supernaturals ranging from bad to good s to a limited extend preserved. The common expression "Tabi po, maki-agi po" (Excuse me please, I would like to pass by) acknowledges the invisible world. The Christian God and heavenly host have replaced the supreme god Gugurang and the minor deities, each of whom had a special function. But the darker side inhabited by witches and monsters seem to live on I the minds of some Bicol Christians. So does ancestor worship in some areas; a postharvest thanksgiving ritual, sagurang, is retained by Bicol farmers by way of offering food to the spirits of their ancestors.

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In precolonial times, many Bicol houses were perched on trees for protection from the sun and insects. Towns later grew form settlements established near rice plantations, which were scattered throughout the valley and coastal plains.

In the Spanish and early American colonial periods, the less privileged lived in native huts located some distance from the center of town, in coastal or inland barrios. These dwellings had wooden posts and were elevated about 1 to 2 m above the ground. Their framework and floor were mad of bamboo; their walls, flap windows, and steep hip roof of leaves of nipa or cogon grass. These one-room houses, which usually had no divisions, had minimal furniture, like a bench, a low table, and chests for storage of clothes. On a separate platform connected to the house was a place for water jars.

In the contemporary period, most native huts have been replaced by American-type, one-story bungalows or two-story houses with the sala, kitchen and toilet below, and the sleeping quarters on the second floor. These houses are usually made of hollow blocks and cement. Wood is used for the second floor of two-story houses. Roofs are galvanized iron; windows either slide or are of the louvre or vertical-flap types.

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Paracale, "the golden country" in Camarines Norte, has grown to be the center of jewelry-making tradition. Although the art has declined since colonial times, some antique styles have survived the centuries like that of the agrimon, the flat necklace chain of the 18th century, and the tamborin, the intricate golden bead necklace of the 19th century.

A pious congregation, Bicol has always excelled in the carving of the religious statues. The art of abaca weaving has been long developed in Albay and Camarines Sur, although the art as given way to commerce in what has become a lucrative industry. The weaving of traditional textiles of cotton is still found in a few towns of Bicol, notably Buhi, Camarines Sur.

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The patotodon or riddles reveal a concern wit the familiar and material. Here the abstract is made concrete. The first part is a positive metaphorical description. The second part introduces an element meant to confuse. Old riddles are still learned but riddling has ceased to be a hobby in Bicol today. The linguistically sophisticated proverbs called kasabihan, arawiga, or sasabihan emphasize values like independence, honor, and humility. The human condition is the central concern of these proverbs. They may be abstract or may use images form nature, for such as plants, animals, and the human body.

In precolonial time, the natives wrote many ballads with catchy rhythms about battles, a hero's exploits, massacres, volcanic eruptions, typhoons, and other natural catastrophes. Precolonial lyric poetry is divide into awit and rawitdawit, also called orog-orog or susuman. By comparison, the awit is more sentimental an difficult to improvise. Social life is enlivened by toasts call tigsik, kangsin, or abatayo. These are four-line verses occasioned by happy gatherings whether around a sari-sari or variety store or during feasts. Toasts can be made on any subject, form religion and tradition to love and sex, and the tigsikan ends when the participants become too inebriated for poetry. Modern Bicol poetry can classified as personal or social, the latter based on the rawitdawit style. A simple if not naïve world view is conveyed in most Bicol anecdotes. Animal stories abound, involving either tricksters or ungrateful animals The monkey seems to be a favorite. Outstanding in folklore is the tale of Juan Osong, counterpart of the Tagalog Juan Tamad. Bicol's creation myths trace the beginning of the universe and man and woman. There is a characteristic dichotomy between the divine and the human, and a frequent use of the bird as a key figure. Today, there are very few fictionists in Bicol. Among the more notable are Carlos Ojeda Aureus whose stories, such as the "Cathedra", are landmarks in Bicol fiction, and Remigio Laguno, known for his "The Carolers."

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In precolonial times, people were often judged by their ability to sing or create new songs which would be accompanied by the community on musical instruments which the singers themselves made. The religious fold dramas in Bicol which center on Catholic beliefs and liturgy, also contain musical elements. The Bicol composers trained in religious music eventually wrote secular pieces as well.

In the contemporary repertoire, there are new folksongs which refer to local history and geography, sometimes ridiculing politicians like the barangay captain, the mayor, the election candidates. The themes are broader in protest than nationalistic songs. Whatever the content, serious or nonsensical, these songs generally have a simple structure and a free form.

In Bicol, the dances are often associated with ritual. The tarok step was originally a movement that belonged to the ancient ritual, atang. Quick marching steps were executed by the priest of priestess before the god of good, Gugurang, or by the tribal women before the moon goddess, Haliya. The sinisiki (literally, "feet") step of Albay is another typical dance movement. Formerly a "hop, step, close, step," in time it became a "brush, step, close, step." Authentic paraphernalia is used in ethnic Bicol dances. Mimesis is another object of Bicol occupation dances. "Pabirik" means "to turn." The pabirik dances of Camarines Norte is named after the turning motion of the gold panner's container.

The dance component of Bicol religious ritual was retained in colonial times. On the feast of San Felipe and Santiago in May, in Minalabac, Camarines Sur, men carry the saint's images and estandartes of bamboo towers, while the children in costumes that change annually, dance the tuatarok (literally, "rice planters"), clicking their castanets and singing verses of praise to the twin patron saints and imploring their help for the officials and members of the community. Among the secular dances, the engano, a graceful sway, and the waltz step are of Spanish origin. Boys and girls dance Albay's inkoy-inkoy to three-part music, sagurang being its oldest Bicol version. The jota Bicolana is lively as the Spanish jotas.

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CCP Encyclopedia of Arts and Literature | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |

ste d by monding Friday, March 25, 2011
7:48 AM
dul e No
Ri tual s
st ed by
: Raym o n d G
Pe pi t o Sources
: http:/
nkq u e s t. org ___________
Superstitionsare beliefs or practices for which there app e ars to be n o rati onal substa nce. It i s a term desi gnated to these bel i e f s tha t re sul t from i g nor a nce and fe ar of t h e u n k now n
Those who use the term imply that t h ey have certai n kno w l e dge or superior evid ence for the i r scien t i f i c, ph ilosoph ica l
or relig iou s conv ict i on
Here are so me of the rituals perfor med by the elders and folks in different provinc e s in the
h ilipp i n e
ste d by monding 7:46 AM

Beliefs and practices govern almost all aspects of agricu lt u r
T h e t a mblan is of t e n call ed t o perform the practice of bayang or b uhat before lan d s are cu lt iv at ed.
dish of w h ite ch ick e n or white pork is offered to the unseen owner. Befo r e planting, a table with cooked ric e , chicken, w i n e or buyo is set in th e open and of f e red t o t h e spirit s w h o are asked t o grant a good harvest. If pl anti ng i s t o be done d u ri ng a ne w moon i n M a y or J une, ri ce i s toasted and then ground wi th sugar i n a mi xture ca lled paduya
The pad u ya is then baked, divided into 24 parts, and wrapped in bana na leaves and offered th e ni ght be fore pl anti ng to the as wang who

protects the field. For harvest blessings pangas may also be prepared in a basket from a mixture of rice, medicinal herbs, palm fruit and a wooden comb.
There are specific practices depending upon the crop being planted. During the planting of rice, one must not hurt or kill the tga-taga, an insect with protruding antennae believed to be soul of the palay, or else this cause a bad harvest.A good harvest is likely when its tail points upwards. In planting corn, the first three rows should be planted at sundown. This is the time when chicken and other fowl are in their roosts and ifthey do not see where the seeds are planted; they will not dig up the seeds. If it rains while the farmer is planting, it is a sure sign that the seeds will not germinate. Persons with few of broken teeth should not plant corn to prevent the corn from bearing sparse and inferior grains.
In coconut planting, so that the nut will grow big and full, seedlings must be placed on open ground during a full moon. They should be planted at noontime when the sun is directly overhead and shadows are at their shortest. This is so the coconut trees will bear fruit soon, even if they are not yet very tall. While planting coconuts, it would help if one is carrying a child so that the tree will yield twice as many nuts. Bananas should be planted in the morning or at sunrise with young plants carried on the farmer's back so the branches will have compact and large clusters. Sticks should not be used when planting cassava lest the tubers develop fibers that are not good to eat. Ui, on the other hand, is a sacred root crop. If it is dropped on the ground, it has to be kissed to avoid divine fury called gaba. Planters must lay clustered fruits on three hills for an abundant harvest of camote or sweet potato. It is believed that planters must remove their shirts, lie on the ground and roll over several times during a full moon. Crops planted near the diwata's place or during thunderstorms will become rat infested. During harvesting, if the crops are poor, th e farmers prepare biku, budbud, ubas, tuba, guhang, 12 chickens, pure rice, tobacco and tilad.These they place under a dalakit tree in the fields as offering to the spirits.
Rice harvesting entails more intricate rituals. A mixture called pilipig is prepared from seven gantas of young palay added to ubas (grapes), bayi-bayi(ground rice), grated coconut and sugar. This mixture is pounded in a mortar and brought out at midnight. At midnight, the farmers call the babaylan to chant prayers while they surround him/her with smoke. Fisherfolk have their own ways of soliciting the favors of the other world. During a full moon, a mananapit is asked to pray for a good catch and to bless the fishing nets and traps with herbs and incense. To cast off evil spirits, fisherfolk at sea mutter tabi meaning "please allow small yellow copper key under their belts to protect themseves from being devoured by a big fish. Divers eat the flesh of the cooked turtle for greater stamina underwater. Fisherfolk avoid bad luck by neither sitting nor standing in front of their fishing gear and by of the route used when setting out the sea. Toavail of future bounty, fisherfolk using new traps must throw back half of their first catches. * Offerings
Harang/halad - offering
Banwanun - When hunters offered their first catch, whether it was wild hogs to deer, to the spirits dwelling in the mountains.
Palahi - The spirit of the balete tree which was given offerings.
Ginayaw - Offerings of spherical yellow rice cakes.
Tinorlok - the hog reserved for sacrifice that would be pierced with a spear by the babaylan conducting the ritual and whose blood would soak to the ground for the Anito and Diwata before it was cooked and roasted and laid on the table filled with offerings for the participants to eat.
Bani - the sacred mat to be burned.
Kamangyan - incense, which was often placed in a coconut shell.
Pagpunas - performance when you kill a red rooster and go around the field and put a drop of blood on the rice leaves to pray to the spirits to take care of plants.
Kalipayan - a herb used in planting rituals, symbol of happiness. The plant is the Codiaeum variegatum, a tropical shrub native to the Philippines and other parts of Southeast Asia and South Asia.
Ihalasan - secondary dragon burial jars, coming from the term ihas, snake.
Pitarrilas - earthen jar full of rice wine as an offering during paganito.
Salagmat - a term from Bikol that was a table for offerings in atang.
Pang-asi - fermented rice used in rituals
Puso - Offerings, that were made of woven palm leaves in various designs, in paganito rituals according to Alcina.
Tuyog - pouring of wine on the ground as an offering to the spirits.
Bongoy - Offering to the anito for the sick, either by hanging a chicken or another animal by a stick.
Galal - offering to the katalona.
Diwang - song or chant to the anito. Was also used as a song to the anito for healing the sick. * Rituals
Awut - An oath that promised fasting and abstinence. This was done especially after the death of a loved one during the mourning period.
Paganito/Maganito - act of sacrifice, ritual (Visayan)
Pandot - Tagalog festival, celebration, worship, usually conducted in the house of the Datu.
Paglihi - Visayan religious observances, rites
Iganito - thing being sacrificed
Atang - Ilocano ritual offering to appease the spirits.
Pagobo - A type of paganito performed to offer to the Diwata of the family hearth when drought threatened: a white hen and a bird shaped rice cake together with leaves or sprouts from the crops threatened were offered.
Dating - a Tagalog menstrual rite and coming of age for a young woman. The eyes were blindfolded for 4 days and 4 nights where she stayed in a room in her house. Meanwhile while friends and relatives were invited to partake in food and drinks. At the end of the period the katalonan took the girl to the water, her feet never touching the ground, ritually bathed her, and washed her head before removing the blindfold from her eyes.
Taruk - term for the babaylan dance during the paganito.
Bodyong - bamboo instrument used in ritual dance
Anahaw or Banay - palm leaves that are shaped like a fan, used when making paganito by the babaylan. It was used in dancing to keep time when preparing sacrifices and offerings. It was also the symbol of the babaylan and was often a symbolic memorial in their graves. The scientific name of the plant is Saribus rotundifolius.
Paguli - Rite performed to call back the departed soul. A coconut shell of water was placed on the stomch of the inert person and rotated while chanting, “uli, uli, kulog” (Come back, come back soul)
Pasalamat - Thanksgiving dinner after harvest.
Babat - to thank the spirits responsible for a good harvest.
Soni or Pagsoni - old term, means Thanksgiving ceremony.
Pag-luon - (smoking). This was a ritual used to cure a deseased plant. Using an incense, kamangyan, go around the field. The incense is placed in a coconut shell with fire in it and then pray to the Goddess of Harvest (Laon) to drive away pests and watch over plants.
Pagtigman - Most important paganito. It was a big gathering where many pigs (both wild and domestic) are slaughtered and sacrificed. To catch the wild ones they bring together the people with their nets, called Batung. One of the men who had a good voice climbed one of the highest palm trees and called out summoning the men. This cry was called Pagaatigman, “what gathers”, or “join us!” Then whatever pigs or deer they captured and the fish that they were able to catch with all the rice and other roots they brought together; they roast the meat then the Babaylan gave them as offerings.
Kangai - “union”, feasts, and large feasts.
Tinganok or Paginganor - Meaning “hand over to the current”. This paganito was done on the banks of the rivers which the Visayans called Yraia, which is the nearest to their place of birth. They placed on the banks of the river on both sides various rafts of canes. On them they placed a variety and abundance of all their foods, and allowed them to be taken by the current which carried the rafts down the stream. They didn’t eat this food but left it for the Diwata or the Humalagad to eat. With this they asked them to care for the fields and guard them from preying animals. They also tied to those rafts rats, locusts, and other animals that they can capture which did damage to their fields. From this they were rendered secure. If this wasn’t performed they would be unsuccessful and lose everything.
Pagadap - It was the same paganito as the Tinganok, however in a smaller gathering. Both of them, their purpose was to assure a good harvest and not to suffer from hunger.
Hola/ hulak/tagduk - spirit possession of the babaylan
Taho - whistling sound when Diwata was speaking through the babaylan
Bayung Danum - literally meaning “new water”, it is a Kapampangan yearly celebration, their New Year, to appease a water deity, Apung Iru, who would cause the floods and monsoons as the monsoon season came. The festival was held in June during the full moon near the Summer Solstice and a water procession was done. Today it has turned to a celebration of St. John the Baptist and the procession toward St. Peter but has retained most of its original celebrations. * Shrines & Places/Things of Worship
Ulango - a term by the Tagalogs meaning a spirit house. It was a home/shrine dedicated to the anito.
Dakit - balete tree that was a sanctuary for paganito.
Simbahan - a temple or place of worship. A typical simbahan was often held in the Datu and Rajah’s home for big celebrations. Today it is the term for churches.
Sibi - the roof made in the sides of the house in temporary sheds to protect the people from the rain. They made it so many people can fit and divided it in the fashion of ships into 3 compartments.
Sorihile - small lamps placed in the posts of the house. In the center of the house they placed 1 large lamp adorned with leaves of white palm wrought in many designs. There was also many large and small drums which they beat during the whole feast. This lasted usually for 4 days.

Likha/larawan/tao-tao/bata bata - idols and images of the deities and ancestors found in peoples homes, caves, along the rivers, and other natural places. They were the guardians the home and were often invoked and anointed with sesame seed oil, in some cases dressed in cloth and gold.
Pantao - a platform constructed that is about a branza or a little more in height. In width it depended on the quantity of things that were being offered. This platform made out of pieces of palm was made with as much ornamentation as they were able.
Pararatgan - It means a place where the Diwata had to arrive or come by because when arranged or adorned they came without fail. They adored it with chains and other decor made of lucai; the white heart of the palms which they make various toys and other ornaments that was called sareman. They adorn with all their draperies and cloth.
Latangan - A little house on the shore of the river for a paganito that was for the sickness of a person. In this little house they put only rice cooked with water called loto, or at best full of the yellow rice cakes called ginayaw. They drew water from the river and sprinkled the tiny house and food.
Maglantang - just like the latangan but they were larger in size and used for larger and major community sacrifice.
Dagusan - Ilocano term for spirit shrine. * The Afterlife
Sulad - purgatory. The place where all souls go to first after death by being ferried by the Goddess Magwayen.
Saad - The final resting place. For the Visayans living along the coasts they are brought to a high mountain in Borneo. For the Visayans in the mountains they were brought to Mt. Madyaas.
Lalangban - a spiritual river which divides Sulad and Saad
Longon - a coffin the size of a grain of rice where the soul was put after it died 9 times becoming smaller and smaller.
Lalangban - a deep cave that is the entrance to Sulad/Saad and that from it a loud noise like the slamming of a door could be heard prior to a ruling datu’s death.
Agrakrakit - from rakit or raft. The Ilokano term for the raftman spirit responsible for ferrying souls to the next life. * The Spirits, Ancestors, & Deities
Umalagad/Humalagad - Ancestral spirit that were guardians and companions to a person. They are the souls of the ancestors who are able to help the living. They were invoked on leaving the house and during agricultural rites in the fields. Some were believed to take the form of a python, which was a symbol of good luck and fortune to the one who was born with a snake twin as their umalagad.
Diwata - the term for Gods and Goddesses, commonly used among the Visayans and some ethnic groups in southern Mindanao. In some ethnic groups it is the name of an actual deity.
Maniwata or Magdiwata - to invoke the Diwata
Anito - For the Visayans anito meant “sacrifice”. For others such as the Bikolanos and Tagalogs it meant ancestor spirit often represented by wooden carvings.
Kalag - soul
Palahi - The spirit of the strangler fig, known as the balete tree, who was often given offerings to appease it.
Tigmamanukan - blue and black bird that symbolized Bathala Maykapal in which it was also an omen. If one encountered a Tigmamanukan flying in their voyage path, they should take note of the direction of its flight. If the bird‘s flight direction goes to the right, the traveler would not encounter any danger during their journey. If it flew to the opposite direction (meaning from right to the left) the traveler will never find its way and will be lost forever. While today no one knows and remembers exactly what species of bird the Tagalogs revered in the past, most scholars believe it was a type of fairy blue bird, either the Asian Fairy Bluebird of the Philippine Fairy Bluebird
Limokon - A kind of turtledove with striking green and white plumage and red feet and beak that was an omen to the Visayans. It is believed to be a messenger bird from the spirit world. * Religious Figures

Daitan - Another Visayan term for the priestess, with dait meaning friendship and peace.
Babaylan - The prominent Visayan term for priestess. They were the bridge between the ancestors, spirits, and deities with the people of her community who communicated between them. She was also a healer and was of a high social rank just after the Rajah and Datu.
Alabay - a Babaylans apprentice, one in training to become a Babaylan
Asog - a male priest who considered themselves and were considered by their community, more like women than men in their manner of living. They often were recorded as having relationships with other men. They were just like the Babaylans except they couldn’t produce children.
Katalonan - The Tagalog term for the Babaylans for their own priestesses. * Divination
Himalad - Palmistry
Paghimalar - to tell ones fortune by reading the lines on the palm of the hand.
Sibit - term used when getting rid of bad luck. This was done by drawing the palm of the hand what is causing it. They would take a needle, pierce the part where they said was the bad fortune and draw out a little blood. With his the bad luck went away. This was always done on the right hand where good and bad luck is located; they pay no attention to the left. Some rubbed the palm with palm oil and raised the arm of the person whose fortune they were telling. If the oil ran down and came as far as the elbow, it was a good sign and all the bad luck was gone now. If not, it wasn’t.
Luknit - cast lots by 4 crocodile teeth or boar tusks.
Tali - stone or egg made to stand upright on a plate.
Abiyog - to swing; like a bolo suspended from a cord. * Witchcraft
Habit - spell
Ginhabit - one bewitched by habit
Lumay/Gayuma - love potion
Buringot - the opposite of a love potion. Also made one fearless in the face of danger.
Mantala - incantations
Tagarlum - herb charmed to make owner invisible
Awug - spell put on coconut palms to make a thief’s stomach swell up.
Tiwtiw -spell that made fish follow the fishermen to shore or wild boar follow hunter out of the woods.
Oropok - caused rats to multiply in someones fields.
Tagosilangan - Persons with a charm that enabled them to see hidden things. * Spiritual Healing & Soul Retrieval
Agaw - It was to carry off by force, to snatch a pain from the sufferer, which was done by the babaylan.
Tawag - to call out, summon the spirit that kidnapped the soul.
Bawi - to rescue, free the invalid from the grip of the spirit * Chants & Invocations
Darangin - perfunctory invocation of ancestor spirits when leaving the house.
Balata or lalaw - oaths taken during mourning
52 ♥ tags: filipino anito polytheist pagan paganism terminology Reblog 1. ashanti-mahal likes this 2. scottfuckingsummers likes this 3. pinakahlo reblogged this from anituo 4. demonicspeed reblogged this from anituo 5. wey79 likes this 6. anitoanum reblogged this from anituo and added:
Comments & How I Do: I don’t agree with the definition of “asog” on this list. It’s pretty much defined by the Western... 7. anitoanum likes this 8. demonicspeed likes this 9. belphegor1982 likes this 10. scottfuckingsummers reblogged this from anituo 11. kalikha reblogged this from anituo 12. batahala likes this 13. spaghedward reblogged this from merbakla 14. brenli likes this 15. mahiwagaley reblogged this from merbakla 16. mahiwagaley likes this 17. j-asexyrex reblogged this from merbakla 18. j-asexyrex likes this 19. poetic-dump reblogged this from austro-nesian 20. astridodinsdottir reblogged this from anituo 21. pinkfurcoat likes this 22. serenade-the-stars reblogged this from austro-nesian 23. serenade-the-stars likes this 24. tassledown likes this 25. astridodinsdottir likes this 26. likechipanddale reblogged this from merbakla 27. likechipanddale likes this 28. maryhime likes this 29. hossjaeger likes this 30. themanilagorilla likes this 31. tamimay reblogged this from austro-nesian 32. nekonomicon likes this 33. zephyrites likes this 34. iaskforpleasurefirst reblogged this from merbakla 35. iaskforpleasurefirst likes this 36. havoc-rant likes this 37. tigerseumdwa reblogged this from austro-nesian 38. merbakla reblogged this from austro-nesian 39. hidden-albatross likes this 40. jadedcoconut likes this 41. m-e-s-o-b-l-a-s-i-a-n-archive likes this 42. pixienoir likes this 43. klocket likes this 44. lokeanconcubine likes this 45. pickingbones likes this 46. austro-nesian reblogged this from anituo 47. anituo posted this | | | | | | 48. | -------------------------------------------------
Top of Form | | | |
Bottom of Form | | | 49. | | | 50. | | Paper Trails: Cultural Imperialism from the late 19th Century as seen through Documents, Literature and PhotographsMarc Jason Gilbert
North Georgia College and State University | | | | | | | Pears' Soap ad "Lightening the White Man's Burden." McClure's Magazine, Oct. 1899), In Jim Zwick, ed., Anti-Imperialism in the United States, 1898-1935 at (September 16, 1999). | | | | | 1 | In former times, it was commonplace to say that "every school boys knows" the story of the great colonial empires of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, what they once knew was generally confined to the color of their own colonial empire as painted on a map and the names of its builders, from Paul Doumer to Cecil Rhodes.1 Today, at least according to a typical report on that subject prepared by Aldridge High School students, they know much more: . . . . the style of colonial rule and patterns of social interaction between colonizer and colonized changed considerably in the late 19th century. Racism and social snobbery became pervasive in contacts between the colonizers and their African and Asian subordinates. The [colonizers] consciously renounced the ways of dressing, eating habits, and pastimes that had earlier been borrowed from or shared with the peoples of the colonies . . . [and became obsessed with demonstrating] the superiority of [their own] learning and of everything from political organization to fashions in clothing.2 | 2 | Students at Aldridge and elsewhere have now moved beyond the mere identification of the size and locale of colonial empires and the reputations of their founders to examining the nature of modern imperialism and how it changed over time. These students are able to do so largely because of the work of the past two generations of scholars who have made these subjects a focal point of world historical analysis. Initially, the work of these scholars concentrated on the role of psychology, racial attitudes and gender relations in the expression of imperial power.3 Students of world history have since examined the emergence of industrial exhibitions meant to tout imperial achievements,4 the development of architectural styles intended to exalt the power of British rule,5 the granting of honorary titles and imperial orders to bind the elite classes among their subject peoples to their colonial masters (a process called ornamentalism),6 the use of the cinema to promote colonial dominance,7 and even the changing view of the clothing deemed proper to be worn by populations charged with administering and defending empire.8 | 3 | Other foci of study have included the manner in which control over and extraction of the world's resources were represented as confirmation of the superiority of the colonizing nations: for example, how the devastation of the Amazon and Congo basins due to the heedless extraction of raw materials were framed as the triumphs of positivism9 and how even colonial famines were used to demonstrate the superiority of metropolitan ways of knowledge, despite the death tolls rung up in Ireland and India due to doctrinaire applications of laissez faire.10 Recently, attention has been directed towards the way in which the imperial idea was expressed through the colonizer's control over much of the world's natural environment11 and trade in commodities such as drugs,12 salt,13 sugar,14 spices,15 tea (the Black Gold of the Empire long before oil),16 bananas17 and the pineapple (which today remains the motif that defines what modern manufactures from Ethan Allen to Bed Bath and Beyond happily tout as British "colonial" furniture—a phrase trademarked by Lennox).18 | 4 | The following material identifies sources for the exploration of colonial culture readily available on the Web or from most college or public lending libraries. Samples of material suitable for document based questions, lesson plans, suggested student exercises, and a bibliography suitable for student research are also included. The latter suggests introductions to the subject that may serve as a guide for study. The selected documents are meant to be suggestive rather than comprehensive: individual instructors may wish to examine subjects not stressed here, such as migration and diaspora studies. It is hoped that these resources will help illuminate how, for both the colonized as well as the colonizer, cultural issues were as significant as (and often directly related to) economic, political and military affairs in determining their identities and giving shape to their societies. This material is offered with two caveats. In the hands of critics of empire, cultural studies are subject to "essentailization," or reductionism. In the process of applying new critical approaches, some students of gender in South Asia have labeled legislation passed in 1891 to discourage child marriage in India as proof that domination over the sexual lives of Indians was central to the establishment of British imperial hegemony on the subcontinent. Yet, on this occasion, the British were responding to Indian demands for reform, a step which the British government had previously refused to take due to a reasonable fear of the consequences of interfering in the social relations of Indians after the Great Rebellion of 1857. In fact, the British government had earlier passed up many opportunities to effect such reforms despite rather egregious examples of the destruction of young women's lives. A reluctant colonial government that had passed up previous opportunities to control the sexuality of its subjects is not necessarily innocent of the charge of seeking sexual dominance, but its gives one pause to read that its actions in this case demonstrated the centrality of sexual politics to the colonial enterprise.19 A far more serious challenge to historical enquiry is the claim by a rising crop of apologists for empire that the colonial enterprise was necessary to spread the benefits of human rights, democracy and modern medicine around the globe. Setting aside the issue to how these values can (or should) be effectively imposed by admittedly self-serving, economically exploitative racist colonial orders, these apologists, in order to tout the benefits of imperialism, dismiss the parallel record of human and environmental exploitation which are now universally regretted and acknowledged to be part-and-parcel of all colonial systems. Recently, Paul Johnson has argued that the solution to terrorism is colonialism,20 while William Kristol of the Weekly Standard and the features editor of the Wall Street Journal, Max Boot, suggest that while imperialism has a bad name, it is nevertheless a good thing.21 These writers are fully aware of the Amritsar and Dinshwai massacres, the massive death tolls in deliberately ill-regulated colonial sweatshops, mines, and rubber plantations, and also of the corruption of the colonizer's own culture that attended the carrying of the "White Man's Burden," but there is little room for these events and processes in the apologists' conveniently narrow and one-sided drawing of the imperial balance sheet. Of course, these apologists do have a point, but their praise of imperialism is offered without much historical reflection or caveat emptor-- an important issue for educators. These apologists can the talk the colonialist talk, but if their voices are heard in the corridors of power, it is not these talking heads, but the present and rising generation of students that will have to walk that walk. Whether or not these students are ultimately tasked with spreading the civilization of their choice by imperial instruments or experiencing the trauma that is so often part of the cultural collateral damage of imperial life, they deserve the most intellectually honest discussion of the issue an instructor can provide, even when the instructor has already made up her or his mind on the question. If the following discussion of instructional materials fails to promote that aim, instructors are welcome to employ them in any manner they see as better suited to accomplish this task. Selected Document Analyses and Resources While colonialism is a familiar subject, its study is often divided according to regional or national-colonial systems (in Africa, in Asia, French, British, Japanese imperialism etc.) or by discipline (economic imperialism, literature, science, etc.). Of course, this creates very rich sources for comparative history that are of great interest, and rightly so, to world historians. However, world history is also an interdisciplinary field that is willing to consider the broadest spectrum of analyses. Fortunately, modern imperial history has embraced interdisciplinary approaches and is addressing the challenge of post-colonial studies and critical theory. The following nine document sets suggest the richness of the sources for the study of cultural imperialism as an element of world history. They are produced here with introductions and text in abbreviated form where the full text is available on-line. Following each of the document sets are questions for discussion and related lesson plans. This article concludes with a bibliography arranged by topic and a list of web-based primary sources. | 5 | Document Exercise 1: Camp Life in India by Sir Monier Monier-Williams (1850) | | | |

| | | | | | The seductive power of culture in the imperial context is clearest in a recollection offered by Monier-William's account of an evening spent as a visitor for dinner with the Collector, the principle local British administrator, in an Indian forest camp in 1850. Sir Monier Monier-Williams (1819-1899) was Professor of Sanskrit at Haileybury, the British East India Company's school for its administrators, from 1844-1858. He was named Boden professor of Sanskrit at Oxford in 1860. He was knighted in 1886. The photograph of Monier-Williams (above, center) is by the British writer Lewis Carroll (from He is surrounded here by photographs of typical British Indian family servants in Darjeeling c. 1898-1902 (from who represent the type of servants he encountered in India. The following account is originally from Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, Volume 2, India, Persia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914): 224-233. It was edited and posted on the World Wide Web as part of Paul Halsall's valuable Indian History Internet Sourcebook at Also resident at that same website is an often-referenced account of Indian society (the Parsis community) by Monier-Williams ( However, Monier-Williams' reference to Aladdin in the close of this passage is unique in that it offers something of a smoking gun regarding "Orientalism" among Western writers and observers of the colonial world. | 6 | Camp Life in India | | . . . if every collector is a small king, every Englishman in India is regarded as a petty prince. Obsequious natives watch his movements, and hang upon his words. I try to stroll about, but as I circle leisurely round the compound, attendant satellites hover about my path. I am evidently expected to develop wants of some kind or other in the course of my ramble . . . I hastily hide my head within the walls of my tent. But my tenacious followers are not to be shaken off so easily. I am conscious of being vigilantly watched through my barrier of canvas. By way of experiment I utter the magical formula, "Qui hai?" ["Khoi Hai?" Literally, "Who is there?" was the stock phrase uttered by a European visitor in India upon arriving at a home not his own in order to summon a servant; it became a descriptive term for the British in India] and a dusky form seems to rise out of the ground as if by magic. There he stands in an attitude of abject reverence and attention, waiting for me to issue my commands. . . . Just at this juncture I hear a commanding voice call out in the distance "Khana lao."["Bring the food/meal!"] This is the collector's brief and business-like order for dinner. I repair with relief to the drawing-room and dining-room. The collector and his wife, beaming with hospitality, make me sit down at a well-appointed dinner-table. I have a French menu placed before me. I eat a dinner cooked with Parisian skill, I drink wine fit for an emperor, and am waited on by a stately butler and half a dozen stately waiters in imposing costumes, who move about with noiseless tread behind my chair, and anticipate every eccentricity of my appetite. I am evidently on enchanted ground, and can only think of Aladdin in the "Arabian Nights."22 | 7 | Study Questions: Why is "every Englishman" entitled to high status? Does Sir Monier Monier-Williams question the human environment in which he finds himself? Why or why not? How does he feel about the service he is receiving? What would be the consequences for an Indian servant who was not ubiquitous and ready to serve? Is such obsequiousness unique to servants in the colonial setting, or, in other words, would a servant of a traditional ruler have more of a buffer between those they served or less? Why or why not? What does the use of Hindi-Urdu in the "familiar" imperative form ("Bring food!") indicate about how language can be used to express the dominance of the ruling elite? Monier-Williams, as a linguist, knows of this usage and its meaning. How does he respond to it? Do you sense any contrast between the collector's behavior towards Indians and his behavior toward Monier-Williams, or Monier-Williams toward the collector and his own attitude towards Indians? | 8 | Document Exercise 2: Living off the Country (1942) | | Colonial settlers and officials strove mightily to preserve their diet as a symbol of the social distance from their subject-people. From Britain to Imperial Japan, cookbooks were developed to assist them to replicate the cuisine of "home," as in the case offered immediately below from a rare recipe book published in Nigeria in 1942, reprinted in Charles Allen, Plain Tales from the Dark Continent,23 of whose title only a humorous pun was intended. The recipes offer the means for preparing 'Fish and Chips' and other British culinary mainstays. Students might be asked to explain the necessity for such recipes (see study questions below) or extend the use of this resource to the examination of their socio-political context, using as guides Mary A. Procida's "Feeding the Imperial Appetite: Imperial Knowledge and Anglo-Indian Discourse" in the Journal of Women's History, 15 no. 2 (Summer 2003): 123-149 and Anne L. Bower's "Romanced by Cookbooks" Gastronomica 1 (Spring 2001): 76–79. Alternatively, they could consult the website http: which has a section on historic books and recipes that offers excerpts from the works of authors as varied as Sir Richard Burton and Chinua Achebe. Students can be assigned to examine these or similar sources in the food and diet section of the bibliography below for their content in identifying the role of food in world history from colonialism to globalization. This bibliography will also support examinations of the impact and long-term results of colonialism on the eating habits and diets of the colonized from Latin America to Japan. | 9 | MISCELLANEOUS RECIPES AND HOUSE-HOLD HINTSAlkama Sponge Cake.4 eggs, 3 ozs. Castor sugar, 4 ozs. Alkama, º teaspoon baking powder, ½ teaspoon boiling water. Beat the eggs and sugar together until very thick. Mix the baking powder with the alkama and fold lightly into the eggs and sugar. Add the boiling water slowly, turn into a tin 5 inches in diameter. Bake for about 25 minutes in a moderate oven. When the cake is cold ice it with Zaria sugar icing.Banana Chips.(A substitute for potato chips with fried fish) Peel green bananas and slice lengthways or crossways as desired. Sprinkle with pepper and salt and fry up quickly in fat or lard. Pile on a dish and serve immediately. Bean Croquettes (Kwasi). Soak native beans in cold water over night. In the morning remove from the water and grind finely in a food chopper or have a native woman grind them on her stone. Add enough water to make a stiff batter. Add finely chopped onion and salt to taste. Drop by small spoonfuls into a saucepan which is about half full of hot fat, preferably groundnut oil. Care should be taken that the oil is not too highly seasoned with pepper or the bean cakes will be too 'hot' to eat. Remove from fat when they are brown. Serve hot with some sort of tart sauce, such as "Kukuki" jam. 24 | 10 | Study Questions: Why would colonizing peoples seek to replicate the recipes of "home?" What words or directions in food preparation are stressed and why? Who would actually prepare these meals? What would be their reaction to this effort? Yours? A "Google" standard search of the terms "food imperialism lesson plans" identifies more than ten pages of resources, as does a search for "food imperialism." The Food Timeline and the Food Museum offers classrooms resources for students of food history and heritage: and | 11 | Document 3: Science, Medicine, Music, and the Colonizer's Fear of the Sun | | Colonial insecurities extended well beyond dietary concerns. Dane Kennedy of George Washington University has examined the clothing worn by late nineteenth and early twentieth century colonial settlers and officials. He found that British and American colonizers were obsessed by the fear that without special clothing they would be subject to the penetrating the rays of the tropical sun; the rays were thought to account, at least in part, for the laziness and other bad habits of the colonized. They even purchased "spine pads" to shield their nervous systems from these invisible enervating forces. We are fortunate that there is an audio file available of Noel Coward singing his own rendition of the first verse of his famous song, "Mad Dogs and Englishmen" (1932), in which he illuminates the determination of British rulers in Asia to get about in the tropic heat in the face of these invisible dangers in a manner that they believed served to single themselves out favorably from those they ruled. The audio file and the text produced here may be found at | 12 | Mad Dogs and Englishmen by Noel Coward

In tropical climes there are certain times of day
When all the citizens retire to tear their clothes off and perspire.
It's one of the rules that the greatest fools obey,
Because the sun is much too sultry
And one must avoid its ultry-violet ray.
The natives grieve when the white men leave their huts,
Because they're obviously, definitely nuts! Mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun,
The Japanese don´t care to, the Chinese wouldn´t dare to,
Hindus and Argentines sleep firmly from twelve to one
But Englishmen detest-a siesta.
In the Philippines they have lovely screens to protect you from the glare.
In the Malay States, there are hats like plates which the Britishers won't wear.
At twelve noon the natives swoon and no further work is done,
But mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun. It's such a surprise for the Eastern eyes to see, that though the English are effete, they're quite impervious to heat,
When the white man rides every native hides in glee,
Because the simple creatures hope he will impale his solar topee on a tree.
It seems such a shame when the English claim the earth,
They give rise to such hilarity and mirth.
Ha ha ha ha hoo hoo hoo hoo hee hee hee hee ......Mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun.
The toughest Burmese bandit can never understand it.
In Rangoon the heat of noon is just what the natives shun,
They put their Scotch or Rye down, and lie down.
In a jungle town where the sun beats down to the rage of man and beast
The English garb of the English sahib merely gets a bit more creased.
In Bangkok at twelve o'clock they foam at the mouth and run,
But mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun.

Mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun.
The smallest Malay rabbit deplores this foolish habit.
In Hong Kong they strike a gong and fire off a noonday gun,
To reprimand each inmate who's in late.
In the mangrove swamps where the python romps there is peace from twelve till two.
Even caribous lie around and snooze, for there's nothing else to do.
In Bengal to move at all is seldom ever done,
But mad dogs and Englishmen go out in the midday sun. | 13 | Of course, it was not true that the "natives" feared the noonday sun: neither the Guptan nor Mughal Empires would have lasted very long, nor would the Indian peasantry have been productive for thousands of years, if they kept to the shade at noon. However, but they did manage their relations with their climate (farmers took a long lunch in the fields at midday). The claim made in the song's last line is thus an imperialist conceit with significant portent. Coward's tongue-in-cheek lyrics draw attention to the quite serious distinctions made by the British. They energetically refused to surrender to their environment: it was the weak South Asian subject peoples who succumbed to it. Who then, are the rightful masters of that world, if not the European colonizers? Note that Coward indicates that indigenous empire builders, the Chinese and the Japanese, share the Asian characteristic of avoiding the midday sun, raising the question as to whether the British are the rightful masters of all Asian empires as well. This may sound like over-stretching the point, but Dane Kennedy is merely exposing the tip of the iceberg of the cultural costs of the effort to sustain Western dominance paid by making no concessions to indigenous conditions. He notes that, "In the early years of the twentieth century, a strange new illness appeared in the colonial tropics. It was called tropical neurasthenia." His analysis of this illness is essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the complexity of the burdens borne by colonizers. For the full text of an essay based on Kennedy's research, Google "Dane Kennedy, Diagnosing the Colonial Dilemma." What follows is Kennedy's introduction to that essay. He argues that tropical neurasthenia preyed: | 14 | . . . . mainly on the colonies ruling elites, those who were identified in racial or ethnic terms as whites or Europeans. Patients experienced a bewildering array of symptoms, ranging from insomnia to insanity. The etiology of the affliction was unclear, though the tropical climate was widely regarded as an important contributing cause. Its incidence peaked in the interwar period, accounting for an indeterminate, but by most indications significant, portion of the Europeans sent home as invalids from African and Asian colonies. From the late 1930s, however, tropical neurasthenia rapidly lost its virulence and the diagnosis disappeared almost entirely from the medical record after World War II. In retrospect, it is impossible to untangle all the strands of influences that contributed to the symptoms that medical authorities identified as tropical neurasthenia. Malaria and other organic diseases endemic to the tropics undoubtedly played an undetected, indeterminate role in the illness of some patients. But tropical neurasthenia is best understood as a socially constructed disease, and the clues to its causes are to be found in the discourse of its medical proponents, who stressed the interplay between the physiological and neurological effects of the tropical climate and the cultural and psychological effects of colonial life. This slippage between the environmental and the social realms is crucial to an understanding of the purposes this diagnosis was meant to serve. | 15 | Study Questions: After reading all of this paper, students may address why Kennedy argues that one of the elements/sources of tropical neurasthenia may have been social. They can also assess whether tropical neurasthenia was unique to British colonials (American examples are cited) and ascertain why Kennedy suggests such symptoms changed with the approaching end of formal empire. Students in science as well as humanities courses will profit by writing an essay synthesizing the findings of several recent works on imperial exhibitions and science museums offered below, such as Peter Hoffenberg's An Empire on Display. These studies, like Kennedy's essay, explore the means by which the colonizers, when describing their world, often distorted its nature and content, and science itself, to justify the continuation of imperial rule. | 16 | Document Exercise 4: Picturing Empire: Photography, Painting, Gender and Race | | The website for the NEH-The website for the NEH-supported Women and World History project located at features a section devoted to primary sources in world history which emphasizes the cultural content of colonial encounters. These range from Africa to Southeast Asia and from Western views of foot-binding in China to women's education in Indonesia. However, the examples range far beyond gender issues. Each source featured at this site is preceded by a short descriptive essay. | 17 | The image on the left, below, is a rendition of a painting by T. J. Barker, "The Secret of England's Success" (1863). In this famous painting, Queen Victoria is portrayed handing a Bible to a kneeling African prince. The line drawing provided is offered out of respect for copyright, but a beautiful full-color image can be obtained at If for any reason this image is unavailable at that site, merely go to the web portal of the National Portrait Gallery, London at Click on Search Collection, fill the "Sitter" search option by entering "Queen Victoria," then hit Search. The digital image of the painting is on the top of the second page of the search. For analysis of the image, see The two costumed figures below on the right are from a series of paintings by Claude Antoine Rozet, which according to the analysis offered at their source ( marks the beginning of racial taxonomy in France's newly conquered territory in Algeria. | 18 | | |

| | | | | | Study Questions: The Women in World History site directs students to the Barker painting above left and asks them to imagine what it might suggest to someone living in Victorian Britain about the British Empire and discuss whether it was possible for a Victorian to imagine switching the position of the two central figures, in other words, Queen Victoria kneeling to an African chief? The site informs students that, despite the British association of empire with masculinity, the Queen was a familiar source of imperial symbolism. Why would this be so? How, in this picture, is British masculinity inserted (her husband looks on, other male advisers are present and she is shown possessor of holder of the Crown, etc). How is the inferiority of the African visually produced in posture and costume? The host site for the illustrations of Claude Antoine Rozet directs students to the images of racial taxonomy (as above right) and asks them to trace how differences in appearances were interpreted by the French as reflecting class and/or racial difference and above all rendering them inferior for their collective "exotic" non-European characteristics. Students of patterns of authority, from gender to race, can access the works at this site and in the bibliography that follows as support for projects focusing on perceptions of women's roles and the cult of colonial masculinity. They can also examine the differences in class, education and experience of those women who opposed or participated in traditional gender roles in the colonial setting and/or their relations with the women among the colonial population. | 19 | Document Exercise 5: Responding to "Uncivilized" Behavior: Kaiser Wilhelm II and Boxer Rebellion | | American, European and Japanese imperialists often used any barbarity that accompanied indigenous resistance to colonialism as proof of the "uncivilized" nature of the colonized. In this document, Kaiser Wilhelm II employs the most "lurid terms" in justifying a military response to the barbarities of the Boxer rebellion, during which the German envoy to China was killed, when giving a speech to the men of a departing German punitive expedition at the seaport at Bremerhaven on July 2, 1900. It was such speech that the Indian nationalist and poet Rabindranath Tagore described when he wrote, "To justify their own spilling of ink, they spell the day as night."25 The texts below are edited and made available at It introduces three related texts, the second in two versions. This selection is from the second verbatim account of the Kaiser's speech; the site also offers the sanitized official account that offers its own glimpse into the colonial mindset. The accompanying supporting photographs are available along with many others for this application at They are, clockwise from left: a poster of "The War in China;" an image of the Kaiser receiving the submission of a Chinese envoy, Prince Chun; and German and Japanese imperial troops displaying Boxer heads as war trophies: note that this photograph links Japanese with German imperial forces. | 20 | | |

| | | | | 21 | Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech, July 2, 1900 | 22 | The task which I am sending you out to do is a great one. You must see that a serious injustice is expiated. In this case the Chinese have dared to overturn a thousand year old international law and to make a mockery of the sanctity of the diplomat and the right of hospitality. The case is unprecedented in world history--and this from a people proud of its ancient culture! | 23 | But you can see from this what a culture not based on Christianity comes to. Every heathen culture, no matter how beautiful or august, will come to nought at the first catastrophe! | 24 | ...When you come upon the enemy, smite him. Pardon will not be given. Prisoners will not be taken. Whoever falls into your hands is forfeit. Once, a thousand years ago, the Huns under their King Attila made a name for themselves, one still potent in legend and tradition [The Kaiser's allusion to Attila was seized upon by enemy propagandists during World War I. In popular consciousness the Germans and the barbaric "Huns" became one]. May you in this way make the name German remembered in China for a thousand years so that no Chinaman will ever again dare to even squint at a German! | | You will have to fight a force superior in numbers. But, as our military history demonstrates, we are accustomed to this . . . . Gather new laurels for your [regimental] flags. The blessings of the Lord go with you and your prayers. An entire nation accompanies you on all your paths. My best wishes to you for the fortune of your arms....And may God's blessing attach itself to your banner and bring a blessing upon this war so that Christianity may survive in that land and such sad events never reoccur. To this end stand by your oath. And now, a prosperous voyage! Adieu, comrades! | | Study Questions: How are the Chinese portrayed in these speeches? Is the reason for their actions discussed? What alone matters? What nationalistic images are raised to inspire the troops? How is Christianity employed? How are these related, i.e. how Christian is Germany's "place in the sun?" In the accompanying photographs, how are European and Chinese military technologies represented? How do these photographs conjoin German and Japanese imperialism? Students as well as teachers may benefit from examining the lesson plan directing students to compare Japanese and European colonialism on the web at | | Document Exercise 6: Tying Burmese Days to Heart of Darkness | | | |

| | | | | | George Orwell's novel Burmese Days (1936) drawn from his service as a minor police official in Burma, and Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness, a fictionalized meditation on Conrad's experiences in Africa, are familiar to most students of colonialism. However, since world historians seek to explore historical processes across regions, readings that tie these works together are more valuable than a reading drawn from one or the other. Students can be directed first to focus on an essay written in 1934 entitled "Shooting an Elephant," offered at and also at the George Orwell homepage at, from which the above journalist's I.D. picture is also drawn: | | George Orwell: Shooting A Elephant But at that moment I glanced round at the crowd that had followed me. It was an immense crowd, two thousand at the least and growing every minute. It blocked the road for a long distance on either side. I looked at the sea of yellow faces above the garish clothes-faces all happy and excited over this bit of fun, all certain that the elephant was going to be shot. They were watching me as they would watch a conjurer about to perform a trick. They did not like me, but with the magical rifle in my hands I was momentarily worth watching. And suddenly I realized that I should have to shoot the elephant after all. The people expected it of me and I had got to do it; I could feel their two thousand wills pressing me forward, irresistibly. And it was at this moment, as I stood there with the rifle in my hands, that I first grasped the hollowness, the futility of the white man's dominion in the East. Here was I, the white man with his gun, standing in front of the unarmed native crowd--seemingly the leading actor of the piece; but in reality I was only an absurd puppet pushed to and fro by the will of those yellow faces behind. I perceived in this moment that when the white man turns tyrant it is his own freedom that he destroys. He becomes a sort of hollow, posing dummy, the conventionalized figure of a sahib. For it is the condition of his rule that he shall spend his life in trying to impress the "natives," and so in every crisis he has got to do what the "natives" expect of him. He wears a mask, and his face grows to fit it. I had got to shoot the elephant. I had committed myself to doing it when I sent for the rifle. A sahib has got to act like a sahib; he has got to appear resolute, to know his own mind and do definite things. To come all that way, rifle in hand, with two thousand people marching at my heels, and then to trail feebly away, having done nothing--no, that was impossible. The crowd would laugh at me. And my whole life, every white man's life in the East, was one long struggle not to be laughed at. | | Study Questions: Orwell realized this story gave him "a glimpse of the real nature of imperialism." What was it that Orwell found and revealed in his account? British Indian officials were warned "never to show the feather," or indecision, in front of the "natives." What is the cost of this psychological element of colonial administration? Orwell refers to the 'White Man" in the East. What undercurrent of gender is revealed by this story? Do these themes appear in Heart of Darkness? | | Joseph Conrad: Heart of Darkness | | Orwell's "man on the spot" view of colonialism can be usefully paired with the opening pages of Joseph Conrad's most famous work, which are offered at (the picture of Conrad, above left, is drawn from another site useful for its lesson plan: | | I left in a French steamer, and she called in every blamed port they have out there, for, as far as I could see, the sole purpose of landing soldiers and custom-house officers. I watched the coast. Watching a coast as it slips by the ship is like thinking about an enigma. There it is before you-- smiling, frowning, inviting, grand, mean, insipid, or savage, and always mute with an air of whispering, Come and find out. This one was almost featureless, as if still in the making, with an aspect of monotonous grimness. The edge of a colossal jungle, so dark-green as to be almost black, fringed with white surf, ran straight, like a ruled line, far, far away along a blue sea whose glitter was blurred by a creeping mist. The sun was fierce, the land seemed to glisten and drip with steam. Here and there grayish-whitish specks showed up clustered inside the white surf, with a flag flying above them perhaps. Settlements some centuries old, and still no bigger than pinheads on the untouched expanse of their background. We pounded along, stopped, landed soldiers; went on, landed custom-house clerks to levy toll in what looked like a God-forsaken wilderness, with a tin shed and a flagpole lost in it; landed more soldiers--to take care of the custom-house clerks, presumably. Some, I heard, got drowned in the surf; but whether they did or not, nobody seemed particularly to care. They were just flung out there, and on we went. Every day the coast looked the same, as though we had not moved; but we passed various places--trading places--with names like Gran' Bassam, Little Popo; names that seemed to belong to some sordid farce acted in front of a sinister back-cloth. The idleness of a passenger, my isolation amongst all these men with whom I had no point of contact, the oily and languid sea, the uniform somberness of the coast, seemed to keep me away from the truth of things, within the toil of a mournful and senseless delusion. The voice of the surf heard now and then was a positive pleasure, like the speech of a brother. It was something natural, that had its reason, that had a meaning. Now and then a boat from the shore gave one a momentary contact with reality. It was paddled by black fellows. You could see from afar the white of their eyeballs glistening. They shouted, sang; their bodies streamed with perspiration; they had faces like grotesque masks--these chaps; but they had bone, muscle, a wild vitality, an intense energy of movement, that was as natural and true as the surf along their coast. They wanted no excuse for being there. They were a great comfort to look at. For a time I would feel I belonged still to a world of straightforward facts; but the feeling would not last long. Something would turn up to scare it away. Once, I remember, we came upon a man-of-war anchored off the coast. There wasn't even a shed there, and she was shelling the bush. It appears the French had one of their wars going on thereabouts. Her ensign dropped limp like a rag; the muzzles of the long six-inch guns stuck out all over the low hull; the greasy, slimy swell swung her up lazily and let her down, swaying her thin masts. In the empty immensity of earth, sky, and water, there she was, incomprehensible, firing into a continent. Pop, would go one of the six-inch guns; a small flame would dart and vanish, a little white smoke would disappear, a tiny projectile would give a feeble screech--and nothing happened. Nothing could happen. There was a touch of insanity in the proceeding, a sense of lugubrious drollery in the sight; and it was not dissipated by somebody on board assuring me earnestly there was a camp of natives--he called them enemies!--hidden out of sight somewhere. | | We gave her her letters (I heard the men in that lonely ship were dying of fever at the rate of three a day) and went on. We called at some more places with farcical names, where the merry dance of death and trade goes on in a still and earthy atmosphere as of an overheated catacomb; all along the formless coast bordered by dangerous surf, as if Nature herself had tried to ward off intruders; in and out of rivers, streams of death in life, whose banks were rotting into mud, whose waters, thickened into slime, invaded the contorted mangroves that seemed to writhe at us in the extremity of an impotent despair. Nowhere did we stop long enough to get a particularized impression, but the general sense of vague and oppressive wonder grew upon me. It was like a weary pilgrimage amongst hints for nightmares. "It was upward of thirty days before I saw the mouth of the big river. We anchored off the seat of the government. But my work would not begin till some two hundred miles farther on. So as soon as I could I made a start for a place thirty miles higher up. | | I had my passage on a little sea-going steamer. Her captain was a Swede, and knowing me for a seaman, invited me on the bridge. He was a young man, lean, fair, and morose, with lanky hair and a shuffling gait. As we left the miserable little wharf, he tossed his head contemptuously at the shore. 'Been living there?' he asked. I said, 'Yes.' 'Fine lot these government chaps--are they not?' he went on, speaking English with great precision and considerable bitterness. 'It is funny what some people will do for a few francs a month. I wonder what becomes of that kind when it goes up country?' I said to him I expected to see that soon. 'So-o-o!' he exclaimed. He shuffled athwart, keeping one eye ahead vigilantly. 'Don't be too sure,' he continued. 'The other day I took up a man who hanged himself on the road. He was a Swede, too.' 'Hanged himself! Why, in God's name?' I cried. He kept on looking out watchfully. 'Who knows? The sun too much for him, or the country perhaps.' | | At last we opened a reach. A rocky cliff appeared, mounds of turned-up earth by the shore, houses on a hill, others with iron roofs, amongst a waste of excavations, or hanging to the declivity. A continuous noise of the rapids above hovered over this scene of inhabited devastation. A lot of people, mostly black and naked, moved about like ants. A jetty projected into the river. A blinding sunlight drowned all this at times in a sudden recrudescence of glare. 'There's your Company's station,' said the Swede, pointing to three wooden barrack-like structures on the rocky slope. 'I will send your things up. Four boxes did you say? So. Farewell.' "I came upon a boiler wallowing in the grass, then found a path leading up the hill. It turned aside for the boulders, and also for an undersized railway-truck lying there on its back with its wheels in the air. One was off. The thing looked as dead as the carcass of some animal. I came upon more pieces of decaying machinery, a stack of rusty rails. To the left a clump of trees made a shady spot, where dark things seemed to stir feebly. I blinked, the path was steep. A horn tooted to the right, and I saw the black people run. A heavy and dull detonation shook the ground, a puff of smoke came out of the cliff, and that was all. No change appeared on the face of the rock. They were building a railway. The cliff was not in the way or anything; but this objectless blasting was all the work going on. | | A slight clinking behind me made me turn my head. Six black men advanced in a file, toiling up the path. They walked erect and slow, balancing small baskets full of earth on their heads, and the clink kept time with their footsteps. Black rags were wound round their loins, and the short ends behind waggled to and fro like tails. I could see every rib, the joints of their limbs were like knots in a rope; each had an iron collar on his neck, and all were connected together with a chain whose bights swung between them, rhythmically clinking. Another report from the cliff made me think suddenly of that ship of war I had seen firing into a continent. It was the same kind of ominous voice; but these men could by no stretch of imagination be called enemies. They were called criminals, and the outraged law, like the bursting shells had come to them, an insoluble mystery from the sea. All their meager breasts panted together, the violently dilated nostrils quivered, the eyes stared stonily up-hill. They passed me within six inches, without a glance, with that complete, deathlike indifference of unhappy savages. Behind this raw matter one of the reclaimed, the product of the new forces at work, strolled despondently, carrying a rifle by its middle. He had a uniform jacket with one button off, and seeing a white man on the path, hoisted his weapon to his shoulder with alacrity. This was simple prudence, white men being so much alike at a distance that he could not tell who I might be. He was speedily reassured, and with a large, white, rascally grin, and a glance at his charge, seemed to take me into partnership in his exalted trust. After all, I was also a part of the great cause of these high and just proceedings. | | Instead of going up, I turned and descended to the left. My idea was to let that chain-gang get out of sight before I climbed the hill. You know I am not particularly tender; I've had to strike and to fend off. I've had to resist and to attack sometimes--that's the only way of resisting--without counting the exact cost, according to the demands of such sort of life as I had blundered into. I've seen the devil of violence, and the devil of greed, and the devil of hot desire; but, by all the stars! these were strong, lusty, red-eyed devils, that swayed and drove men--men, I tell you. But as I stood on this hillside, I foresaw that in the blinding sunshine of that land I would become acquainted with a flabby, pretending, weak-eyed devil of a rapacious and pitiless folly. How insidious he could be, too, I was only to find out several months later and a thousand miles farther. For a moment I stood appalled, as though by a warning. Finally I descended the hill, obliquely, towards the trees I had seen. | | Study Questions: Conrad and OrwellThe introduction to this reading suggests that the novel conceals levels of meaning that place Africans in a poor light as a people. Others suggest the opposite, that what Conrad is exploring is the horror inherent in the domination of men by any other men, and how that horror was made known to him "on the ground" in Africa, not as a matter of fiction, but as a matter of his own encounter with the evil itself while he himself was in Africa. How does he regard the African seamen he sees (he is himself a seaman)? How does he regard the French naval bombardment he witnesses and what does he deduce from the "criminals" he sees escorted by an African in a uniform? Do these incidents suggest Conrad has any sympathy with Africans? After witnessing these sights (and on hearing about the Swede who committed suicide), he feels forewarned about what is to come, but he goes on. Why? How would Orwell, in the reading above, provide something like an answer? Bonus question: What in Orwell and Conrad is illuminated in two scenes from Francis Ford Coppola's film, Apocalypse Now (1979), inspired by Conrad's work, where the American operative, Captain Willard (played by Martin Sheen), both arrives and, later, as he leaves the Cham temple complex having killed Colonel Kurzt (for another analysis of the connection, see the essay by James Rennie at, from which the photograph of Willard's boat is derived). Students in courses in history and literature can explore the analyses/case studies of travel writing, as well as general literature, provided in this essay's bibliography (see below) by searching for content relating to how cultural perceptions and habits affect perceptions of difference between the ruler and the ruled in colonial societies. Local library holdings of colonial diaries, travelogues and texts can be the venue for a scavenger hunt for colonial literary images similar to those found above and analyzed in course papers or class presentations using the bibliography provided below. | | Students can relate Conrad to Rudyard Kipling through John A. McClure's Kipling and Conrad: the Colonial Fiction (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981) and Orwell to Kipling (see E. Baneth-Nouailhetas, "George Orwell and the 'White Man's Burden'', Commonwealth, 17-1 (1994), 32-390. Rudyard Kipling's poetry and his novel Kim (1901) and E. M. Forster's A Passage to India (1924) have been thoroughly deconstructed (again, see the bibliography below). These examinations may be used as models for student analysis of these works. | | The National Endowment for the Humanities Edsitement webpages permit comparative study of Conrad, Orwell and Kipling alongside Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka at | | Document Exercise 7: Reversing the Imperial Gaze—Connecting Orwell and Conrad with Wole Soyinka's Death and the King's Horseman (1975) | | | |

| Images from
100_Best_Books__Fiction__Poetryand_Drama_Titles_225.html and | | | | | | Instructors have long used the seminal works of Conrad and Orwell as well as Rudyard Kipling (see bibliography below) to illuminate imperial values. Excerpts and lesson plans for these works abound (see also below). However, these works were authored by Europeans. Several works by the colonized people permit the reversing of the imperial gaze and are equally well-supported by instructional aids. These works include Frederick Oyono's The Old Man and the Medal (1970) in which an African is given a decoration and then abandoned by colonial society, and Chinua Achebe's better- known Things Fall Apart (1958), the story of the coming of colonialism to a West African community (for teaching guides see However, Wole Soyinka's Death and the King's Horseman (1975) is a worthy addition to the cannon. This Noble Prize-winning author offers a much more intimate portrait of colonial subjection in a play in which Yoruban magical realism blends with traditional European-style narrative. It is also well-supported by teacher and student study guides,26 one of which offers a comparative approach. It is possible to examine cultural colonialism in both Conrad and Soyinka via Rachel Teisch's on-line article "Colonialism in Soyinka and Conrad" on-line at | | There are many editions of Death and the King's Horseman in print, including one with both text and textual criticism published by W. W. Norton (New York), edited by Simon Gikandi (2002). A short, personal reaction to the play by Ayanna Gillian, which explores what she sees as the play's capacity for psychological decolonization and the reshaping of her ancestors as "initiators" of history, not merely as "victims," is offered at It includes this excerpt from the play, wherein the King's Horseman lives his last hours on earth: | | "PRAISE SINGER: "In their time the great wars came and went, the little wars came and went; the white slavers came and went, they took away the heart of our race; they bore away the mind and muscle of our race. The city fell and was rebuilt, the city fell and our people trudged through mountain and forest to found a new home but- Elesin Oba do you hear me? | | ELESIN: I hear your voice Olohun-iyo | | PRAISE SINGER: Our world was never wrenched from its true course. There is only one home to the life of a river mussel; there is only one home to the life of a tortoise; there is only one shell to the soul of a man; there is only one world to the spirit of our race. If that world leaves its course and smashes on boulders of the great void, whose world will give us shelter?" | | Questions for Study: How has the King's Horseman's soul been harmed by his association with the colonial power? What led to his conflict with them? Why did the colonizers act in manner which promoted conflict? How are those motivations connected to those described in Orwell and Conrad? Has the Yoruban world been destroyed? As mentioned above, the National Endowment for the Humanities Edsitement webpages encourage comparative study of Conrad, Orwell and Kipling alongside Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka. See (scroll to bottom of the page). | | Document Exercise 8: American Anti-Imperialism: The White Man's Burden Rejected | | | | | A cartoon by Gordon Moffat, entitled, "A Study--Imperialism," features a scale weighing the imperial idea against the bodies of Filipinos resisting its imposition on their islands. The cartoon appeared in The Verdict on July 24, 1899 at | | | | | | Jim Zwick's "Anti-Imperialism in the United States, 1898-1935" is an invaluable website ( that offers historical background as well as selections from literature, cartoons, essays, political platforms and biographies related to the subject. These include a copy of, and examinations of, the anti-imperialist attack on Kipling's famous poem on race and empire by a large number of contemporary American men and women who were angered at the imperialist content of the poem (see One example is William Jennings Bryan's "The White Man's Burden," an address at the Independence Day Banquet of the American Society of London, July 4, 1906, in The Public vol. 9 (July 14, 1906): | | If it is legitimate to "seek another's profit" and "to work another's gain," how can this service best be rendered? This has been the disputed point. Individuals and nations have differed less about the purpose to be accomplished than about the methods to be employed. Persecutions have been carried on avowedly for the benefit of the persecuted, wars been waged for the alleged improvement of those attacked, and still more frequently philanthropy has been adulterated with selfish interest. If the superior nations have a mission, it is not to wound but to heal -- not to cast down but to lift up; and the means must be an example -- a far more powerful and enduring means than violence. Example may be likened to the sun whose genial rays constantly coax the buried seed into life and clothe the earth, first with verdure and afterward with ripened grain, while violence is the occasional tempest which can ruin but cannot give life. | | Can we doubt the efficacy of example, in the light of history? There has been great increase in education during the last century and the school houses have not been opened by the bayonet. They owe their existence largely to the moral influence which neighboring nations exert upon each other. And the spread of popular government during the same period, how rapid! Constitution after constitution has been adopted and limitation after limitation has been placed upon arbitrary power until Russia, yielding to public opinion, establishes a legislative body and China sends commissioners abroad with a view to inviting the people to share the responsibilities of government. | | Questions for Further Study: Choose five of the many American anti-imperialist responses such as that provided above at the Boondocks site and compose an essay identifying the reasons they choose to resist Kipling's call for America to take up the burdens of imperial leadership. For example, why does William Jennings Brian believe that the colonial enterprise is unnecessary to achieve the spread of democracy and constitutional government? American history classes might employ the bibliography that follows to compare the cultures of imperialism in the U. S. and another imperial nation (or nations), focusing on the sources of the colonizers cultural outlook on race, class, gender etc. and how it accords or is oppose by the culture of the colonized. The attitudes of both towards women or the natural environment, for example, can be explored. The lesson plan on American imperialism in the Philippines includes links to anti-imperialist speeches. See | | Document Exercise 9: Daily Life on Colonial Plantations | | | | | Indigo plantation, Tirhut, Bengal c. 1881. Note overseer's whip at extreme bottom right. From: | | | | | | Three works are often employed to lend insight into the conditions on colonial plantations: three by Europeans and one by a Vietnamese: Multatuli (the pen name of Eduard Douwes Dekker), author of Max Havelaar or the Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading Company (a free e-book at; Adam Hochschild's King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998), Edward Morel, a British journalist who wrote Red Rubber: The Story of the Rubber Trade Flourishing on the Congo in the Year of Grace 1906 (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1906), his earlier (1903) The Black Man's Burden (excerpted at, and Tran Tu Binh's The Red Earth: A Vietnamese Memoir of Life on a Colonial Rubber Plantation (Athens. OH: Ohio University Center for International Studies Center, 1985). While valuable and accessible and visceral, instructors might wish to consider a source which is more suitable to younger students: Helen R. Nagtalon-Miller's three-page essay, "The Filipino Plantation Community in Hawaii: Experience of a Second Generation Filipina," featured in The Age of Discovery_ Impact on Philippine Culture and Society edited by Belinda A. Aquino and Dean T. Alegado, (Honolulu: The Center for Philippine Studies, University of Hawaii, Manoa, 2nd ed.,1992): 30-33. The essay takes the reader inside the Filipino plantation community in Hawaii and is especially valuable as it illuminates the parallel experiences of colonial Filipino and migrant Japanese workers as well as the impact of plantation life on Filipino diet and language. It also extends the Filipino plantation-worker experience in post-colonial American society. | | This work is no longer obtainable from its publisher, the Center for Philippine Studies, School of Asian, Hawaiian and Pacific Studies, University of Hawaii, Manoa, though copies exist at the Center and were distributed to libraries and may be obtainable through interlibrary loan. In view of this limited availability, the Center for Philippine Center in a gracious act of bayanihan ('Helping each other") has granted permission for the article to be reprinted here, to be used for educational purposes only. It has been changed only minutely to suit the present format. | | The Filipino Plantation Community in Hawaii: Experiences of a Second-Generation FilipinaHelen R. Nagtalon-Miller | | | The Hawaiian Plantation Village housing museum on Oahu provides a glimpse into the life plantation workers that was harsher than this picture suggests. See | | | | | | The age of discovery had an especially devastating effect on the people of the Philippines. From the Western point of view the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century began a process of leading the Philippines into the path of Western culture. From the point of view of the Filipino people, in retrospect, the Spanish arrival marked the beginning of the mixture of indigenous cultures that had existed for several centuries with that of European culture. | | Filipino culture was a blend of what had existed in 1521 overlaid with the impact of more than three centuries of Spanish intrusion and later of several decades of American occupation. The earliest Filipino immigrants to Hawaii in 1906 had only a few years of the American experience, but by the time the largest numbers began to arrive after World War I, a generation of Filipinos had been influenced by the "Little Brown Brother" colonial philosophy of the American expansionists. | | The Filipinos who came to work on the sugar plantation of Hawaii were thus the product of this fusing of Malay, Spanish and American cultures. In reality, however, Filipinos (like most colonized or multicultural people) are not always aware of their culture, or conscious about which culture is which. | | The Hawaii sugar planters attempted to ensure that those they recruited were agricultural laborers who would be satisfied to remain on the plantations to fulfill their contracts. The planters were usually successful in recruiting laborers, although many accounts are told of better educated recruits successfully passing themselves off as farm laborers. | | One such person was my father. He was a graduate of Ilocos Norte High School and the Provincial Normal School, and was more interested in pursuits of the mind than in the farming and managing of his family's land. Determined to leave the Philippines without telling his family (he knew that his family would not give him their blessing if he told them of his intentions), he spent several weeks before arriving at the recruiting agent's office roughing up his palms with rocks in order to be able to show calloused hands and succeed in being recruited. This may not have happen too often, and most of those education and fewer employment possibilities in their homeland. | | When my father was recruited he left the Philippines alone and went to a plantation on Kauai where he had been assigned as a laborer. After a year, he asked to be transferred to Oahu Sugar Company in Waipahu on the island of Oahu, where he was to be employed as the company's office assistant payroll and sugar cane weight clerk. He married my mother, whose high education in the Philippines was interrupted when she left for Hawaii with her father, mother, and two younger brothers. Her father had been recruited to be the chief cook and manager of the company's boarding house where my father was employed shortly after being transferred from his laborer's job on Kauai to Oahu. | | In Hawaii there was a noteworthy difference between the Filipino immigrant workers and the Japanese who arrived earlier. The Filipinos came from a land that had been colonized by the Americans after more that three centuries of Spanish rule. The Japanese, on the other hand, came from a country which was already a world power and a relatively homogenous society. Because of Japan's position among world powers it could try to bring pressure on the United States, and often did, when there were complaints of worker mistreatment. (This did not mean that the intervention of the Japanese government on behalf of its citizens in Hawaii were always successful.) The Filipinos had no such recourse because the Philippines before independence in 1946 was a colony of the United States. | | Considering the much larger number of males compared with the females, it is not surprising that Filipinos in Hawaii lived two quite different lifestyles. The largest group consisted of single men who lived in dormitory-style housing. In the early days the plantations provided boarding facilities for single Filipino laborers in structures called "clubhouses." They often were comprised of a kitchen, a large dinning room, a social hall, and a recreation hall. | | Only a small minority of Filipinos lived in single family units. However, these units did not exist in isolation of nuclear and extended families, and frequently of fictive families (families whose members are not related by blood). | | Often single males who were related to one or another of family members, or were just friends, would share living quarters, expenses and household chores. Many single males would be asked to become godfathers to the family's children, thus becoming honorary fathers to those children. There were at least two relatives living with our family. They tended the vegetable garden, help with the cooking and housework, and were treated and respected as members of the family. | | In older plantation homes, where the plantation did not object to the tenants adding or changing the design of the house, whenever a relative arrived, new rooms were added. | | After 1965, when a new wave of Filipino immigrants came and plantation families were buying their own lots and homes (fee simple), families began rebuilding their homes to resemble the two-story Spanish-type architecture of the Philippines. | | The low wages paid sugar workers, lower for Filipinos than for other groups in the early years, required ingenuity in order to survive. It was common for workers to grow vegetables in their gardens and to share their harvest with neighbors and friends. Where land was not available near their living quarters, they would cultivate their vegetables in unused plots of land near the sugar cane fields. | | A group of neighbors and relatives shared large quantities of food: for example, a large can of bagoong (Filipino fish sauce) would be brought cooperatively and shared by members of the group. | | A pig would be slaughtered and butchered in someone's backyard and the meat cuts divided among five to ten families, depending on the size of the pig. The organizing family would get such delicacies as the head, tail, and the innards. | | Some bachelors (2 to 4 individuals) would buy a automobile together and share its use. The workers helped each other to buy household appliances, equipment, tools, or large purchases requiring loans. Lending money to each other without written contracts was common. | | Since a high percentage of laborers were Ilokano, their foods were vegetables cooked with dried shrimp or fish and slices of pork or chicken. In contrast, our Tagalog friends and neighbors used more tomato sauces, potatoes, peas and garbanzos in their cooking. Gradually, each group began cooking each other's dishes. | | The favorite foods were pinakbet (the Ilokano vegetable stew resembling the French ratatouille but with bagoong and fish, shrimp, pork, or pork rinds, and with very little broth), and dinengdeng (sliced eggplant, long green beans, bitter melon, okra, and lima beans cooked in broth consisting of bagoong, fresh tomatoes and dried shrimp). | | Conditions peculiar to Hawaii meant that these dishes underwent changes. Less bagoong was used while more pork and tomatoes were included in the recipes. In the U.S. mainland even greater changes were necessary. The pinakbet cooked by the Mexican wife of my father's cousin did not look at all like pinakbet to me because of the changes she had made to make since basic ingredients were not available, or she felt that bagoong had too strong a flavor. | | The Filipino tradition of bayanihan (helping each other) was a common practice among all groups on the plantation. The laborers helped each other build chicken houses garages, play-rooms or screened work rooms. For weddings and baptismal parties the relatives, neighbors and friends helped with the preparations of the lunch or dinner, which included kankanen (sweets made of sticky rice, sugar, and coconut milk). On the plantations, probably due to the scarcity of women, the men did the large-scale cooking; the women made the rice cakes. Families often took care of the orphaned children of their friends with little or no monetary help, with just the satisfaction of a mutual debt of gratitude in mind. | | A majority of the Filipino immigrants were Catholic. A much smaller number were Methodists and Congregationalists who had become Protestants through the work of the Boards of Mission of those denominations in the Philippines and Hawaii. Those denominations established churches on the plantations where services were held in the language of the members. The sugar planters supported the work of those churches by constructing buildings for the Protestant Churches on almost every plantation. | | Both Catholics and Protestants practiced rituals that were not entirely Catholic or Protestant, but contained elements of animism. The atang (offering), food for deceased relatives, was common on household shrines; it was a common practice to go to the beach after a funeral service to immerse oneself. My mother, despite being dyed-in-the-wool Congregational Protestant, would always say upon returning home from any outing "Adda kamin," ("We are back"), just to inform the house spirits that the family members have returned home. | | At all parties, large of small, participants who could play a musical instrument, dance or sing, were asked to perform. It was considered ungracious not to perform when asked to do so. Children who could perform or those who were taking music and/or dance lessons were expected to perform for their elders and for guests. At out family parties, my parents were always asked to sing duets. Usually they sang Ilokano songs that were popular in their youth. Even our family parties were formally organized with a designated master of ceremonies and a formalized program featuring speeches and testimonies. | | Filipinos of the plantations would use the language of their native regions when among speakers of the same language. It was common for parents to use their native language with their children even the children responded in English. My parents spoke English fluently, but they spoke Ilokano to each other and to me and my sister. Even though we answered in English, they continued to speak to use in Ilokano. | | A special vocabulary developed from the Filipino experience on the plantation and spread to other groups. It included expressions such as: 1. Bulakbol (lazy, probably from "blackballed," that is, someone blackballed by the plantation and who, therefore, could not work, even if through no fault of his own, was regarded as a ne'er-do'well). 2. Salamabit (son-of-a-bitch) and Salamagan (son-of-a-gun), expressions used in place of Filipino swear words when resorting to Hawaiian English Creole (pidgin). 3. Sabidong (poison) Gang, a term used on the plantation to refer to a work group assigned to spray chemicals to eradicate weeds in the cane fields. 4. Manong, Manang (Ilokano terms of respect for older brother/sister, but also used for other older people usually of the same generation of one's older siblings); Tata, Nana, (terms for father/mother, but also used for older people of one's parents generation). They were often used derogatorily or incorrectly by members of other groups. 5. Booli-booli (the way many Filipino laborers in the early plantation era pronounced "benevolent" when referring to benevolent societies which provided their members with financial help). Booli-booli often had a bad connotation because some of these aid societies did not fulfill their obligations to the laborers who had invested most of their savings. 6. In speaking English the traditional Ilokano honorifics of Manong and Manang, Tata and Nana were not usually used. They were replaced by Mr. And Mrs. My mother-in-law, who was of Anglo-Saxon background, could not understand why my mother insisted on calling her "Mrs. Miller" even after they had known each other for a number of years. | | Unlike many American children, Filipino children were not paid to do chores around the house. Money which they earned was given to their mothers. The mothers in turn gave the children what was needed for daily school or other expenses. Children were taught to help educate their younger siblings and were not expected to say to their parents, "You owe me $5 for yesterday's grocery shopping," or "for my having cleaned the house." | | Filipino parents commonly told their children they were not only American but also Filipino. However, since the children attended American schools and moreover the radio and newspapers were in English, they often had difficulty knowing to which group they belonged. Many second-generation Filipinos born and raised on the plantations found protection from ethnic slurs by identifying themselves as Spanish or Chinese. Children often were required by their parents to wear Filipino costumes during community celebrations, but as they approached their teens, refused to do so for far of being teased manong, buk-buk, or bayaw, all terms of derision. | | Important events in Philippine history were marked by major community celebrations, the most important of which were the observations of the birth and death of the Filipino patriot, Dr. Jose Rizal, and the Philippine Commonwealth Day. On such occasions members of the Filipino community wore Filipino dresses and Barong Tagalog (men's embroidered native shirt). These events were marked with the recitation of poems and speeches in Ilokano, Tagalog, or Visayan, folk dancing and singing. | | The Filipinos who came to Hawaii to work on the sugar plantations survived because, like other groups that came before them, they drew from those aspects of their culture that enabled them to continue to adapt. This, in turn, helped them to emerge gradually as a distinct and important group whose languages, history, religion, food, customs, and music have made an impact on the social, economic, and political institutions of American society. | | Study Questions: What type of Filipinos did plantations wish to recruit? Why did they seek these types of workers? What problems do Filipino plantation workers face in adjusting to plantation life in Hawaii in terms of housing and other cultural issues, such as the prevalence of single men? How did housing styles change over time? Demonstrate how plantation life lead to a mixing of cultures not found to such a degree in the Philippines? What benefits could the Japanese plantation workers enjoy that Filipino workers might not? Why the disparity? How does plantation life affect the language of the plantation workers and their diet? What Filipino family traditions were different from that of American society? What impact did plantation life have on the indigenous beliefs of the workers? What kind of traditions survived? Provide an example of cultural survival i. e, in religious belief and social-political celebrations. What kind of traditions suffered as the younger generation matured? Why would they wish not to seem so Filipino? Students can compare everyday life of multicultural plantation communities in Hawaii and elsewhere at sites such as: | | Students can compare everyday life of multicultural plantation communities in Hawaii and elsewhere at sites such as:; | | Bibliography: Imperialism and Culture, 1860-1960. | | The following titles, arranged topically, have largely been chosen for their accessibility and utility for student analysis. Though sufficient sources are grouped to support student research on a variety of topics, the list is not comprehensive. An asterisk denotes works that are both widely used in courses and accessible to younger students; academic journal articles have been included that focus on case studies or encapsulate or illustrate the findings of much larger and more demanding works less suitable for that audience. | | Exemplary works: For a general introduction to colonialism and culture, see J. Tomlinson, Cultural Imperialism: a Critical Introduction (London: Pinter, 1991) and Nicholas B. Dirks, ed. Colonialism and Culture (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992.). Dirk's 25-page introduction to the subject work is a useful place to begin. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston, Grove Press, 1967) is the most accessible of any work on the subject. Other means of getting started are:Mark Bradley, Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of Post-Colonial Vietnam, 1919-1960. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2000.Cooper, Frederick & Ann L. Stoler, eds. Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1997.Curtin, Philip D. The Image of Africa Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975.Hoffenberg, Peter. An Empire on Display: English, Indian, and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001.Inden, Ronald. Imagining India. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.Nandi, Ashis. The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism. Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1983.Strobel, Margaret. European Women and the Second British Empire. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991. | | Art, Architecture and Visuality | | | Rashtrapati Bhavan, Delhi, by Martin Yeoman b.1953. Available at | | | |
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New York: Greenwood Press. 1991. | | Science, Scientific Enquiry and Ideology | | | | | Science College, Calcutta, 1917. See for studies of some of its distinguished Indian teachers and students. | | | | | | *Adas, Michael. Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989. Arnold, David. Science and Technology in Colonial India. The New Cambridge History of India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Alam, Anis. "Science and Imperialism." Race and Class 19 (1978): 239-251. Bank, Andrew. "Of 'Native Skulls' and 'Noble Caucasians': Phrenology in Colonial South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 22:3 (1996): 387-403. Breman, Jan, ed. Imperial Monkey Business: Racial Supremacy in Social Darwinist Theory and Colonial Practice. Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1990. Bayly, C. A. Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India. 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Sexuality in the Colonial Context | | | | | |
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Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995.Pedersen, Susan. "National Bodies, Unspeakable Acts: The Sexual Politics of Colonial Policymaking." Journal of Modern History 63 (1991): 647-680. Sharpe, Jenny. Allegories of Empire. The Figure of Woman in the Colonial Text. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993. Stoler, Ann. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. _____. Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault's "History of Sexuality" and the Colonial Order of Things. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995. _____."Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers: European Identities and the Cultural Politics of Exclusion in Colonial Southeast Asia" in Frederick Cooper and Ann Stoler, eds. Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1997.Summers, Carol. "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-1925." Signs 16 (1991):787-807.White, Luise. The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nairobi. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.Whitehead, Judy. "Bodies Clean and Unclean: Prostitution, Sanitary Legislation, and Respectable Femininity in Colonial North India," Gender and History 7:1 (April 1995): 41-63. | | Travel Literature: | | | | | Traveling in the Congo. From | | | | | | Banerjee, Pompa. Burning Women: Widows, Witches, and Early Modern European Travelers in India. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Behdad, Ali. Belated Travelers: Orientalism in the Age of Colonial Dissolution. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994.Birkett, Dea. Spinsters Abroad: Victorian Lady Explorers. Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1989. Bush, Barbara. "Through the Traveler's Eye: Anglo-Saxon Representation of Afro-Cuban Identity from 1850 to 1950." Nature, Society, and Thought: A Journal of Dialectical and Historical Materialism 10 (1997): 229-250. Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. Ghose, Indira. Women Travellers in Colonial India: The Power of the Female Gaze. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1998. Graburn, Nelson H, ed. Ethnic and Tourist Arts: Artistic Expressions from the Fourth World. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976. Grewal, Inderpal. Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996. Hahner, June Edith. Women through women's eyes. Latin American women in 19th century travel accounts. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1998. Harrison, David, ed. Tourism and the Less Developed Countries. Belhaven Press. London. 1992. Kingsley, Mary. Travels in West Africa. London: Thomas Nelson, 3rd edition, 1965. Mathews, James and Lecia Gordner. French Memoirs and Travel Literature of Africa (at McEwan, Cheryl. Gender, Geography and Empire. Victorian Women Travellers in West Africa. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2000. Melman, Billie. Women's Orients. English women and the Middle East. 1718-1918. London: Macmillan, 1995. Mills, Sara.Discourses of Differences: An Analysis of Women's Travel Writing and Colonialism. London: Routledge, 1991. Morgan, Susan. Place matters: Gendered Geography in Victorian Women's Travel Books about S.E. Asia. New Brunswick, N.J. Rutgers University Press, 1996. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London: Routledge, 1992.Jane Robinson. Wayward Women. A Guide to Women Travellers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Romero, Patricia W., ed. Women Voices on Africa: A century of travel writings. Princeton: Markus Weiner Publishing, 1992. Stevenson, Catherine B. Victorian Women travel writers in Africa. Boston: Tywyne, 1982. Spurr, David. The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993.Thomas, Nicholas. Colonialism's Culture: Anthropology, Travel and Government. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994. | | Theory and Practice: Critical Studies | | | | | Michel Foucault. From | | | | | | *Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Bernal, Martin. Black Athena. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987. *Cesaire, Aime. Discourse on Colonialism. New York: New York University Press, 2000. Chomsky, Noam. Year 501: The Conquest Continues. Boston: South End Press, 2003.*Chatterjee, Partha. Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993. Chew, Sing C. and Robert A. Denemark, eds. The Underdevelopment of Development: Essays in Honor of Andre Gunder Frank. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1996. Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge. London: Tavistock
Publications Ltd., 1972. Gates, Henry Louis. "Critical Fanonism". Critical Inquiry 17 (1991): 457-470. Goonatilake, Susantha. Crippled Minds: An Exploration into Colonial Culture. New Delhi: Vikas, 1982. Fabian, Johannes: Time and the Other: How Anthropology makes its Object. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. Faubion, James D, ed. Rethinking the Subject: An Anthology of Contemporary European Social Thought. Westview Press. Boulder. 1995. Hall, Stuart ed. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage. 1997. Harris, Paul. "Cultural Imperialism and American Protestant Missionaries: Collaboration and Dependency in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China." Pacific Historical Review 60:3 (August 1991): 309-338. Havinden, Michael, and David Meredith. Colonialism and Development: Britain and Its Tropical Colonies, 1850-1960. London: Routledge, 1994. Heidrich, Joachim, ed. Changing Identities: The Transformation of Asian and African Societies under Colonialism. Berlin: Das Arabische Buch/Center for Modern Oriental Studies, 1994. Jameson, Fredric. Modernism and Imperialism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990. Jay, Martin. "In the Empire of the Gaze: Foucault and the Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought." In David Couzens Hoy, ed. Foucault: A Critical Reader. Oxford: Blackwell, 1986: 175-203. Rosaldo, Renato. "Imperial Nostalgia". Representations 26 (1989): 107-123. Rothkopf, David. "In Praise of Cultural Imperialism?" Foreign Policy 107 (Summer 1997): 38.Mitchell, Timothy. Colonizing Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. New York: Knopf, 1993Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books, 1979. Said, Edward. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. Revised ed. New York: Vintage Books, 1997. Scott, James. Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. New Haven, CT:Yale University Press, 1985. Slemon, Stephen. "Unsettling the Empire: Resistance Theory for the Second World". World Literature Written in English 30:2 (1992): 30-41. Sprinkler, Michael, ed. Edward Said: A Critical Reader. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1992.Troung Buu Lam, ed. Borrowings and Adaptations in Vietnamese Culture. Southeast Asia Paper No. 25. Manoa, HI: University of Hawaii, 1987. | | Web-based Primary Sources on Cultural Imperialism: | | For major links pages, see: Some Document Sets:*Age of Imperialism at: Excellent sample documents and lesson plans on the Small Planet website.*Documents in Colonialism and Nationalism in Indonesia, 1830-1942 Excellent collection written for studentsEuropean Imperialism at: Organized according to metropolitan power.*James Mill "On the Manners of the Hindoos" from his History of British India, Chapter 6, third edition, 1826. Indian office official and philosopher who believed it unnecessary to go to India to administer or write about its society.*Extent of Imperialism at: The expression of modern colonialism via statistics.*Modern Imperialism, Imperialism in Africa and India and Women in Imperial history at: Extensive primary sources and links on cultural imperialism from the Internet Modern History Sourcebook. Other Sourcebooks (East Asia, Global, Islamic, and Jewish) are also useful and linked to these pages. *The New Imperialism at:htttp:// Useful timeline*Victorian Political History at: Resources for the study of the British Empire and International Relations. *Anti-Imperialism in the United States, 1898-1935 at: One of the Web's best collections of primary source documents on the subject of cultural imperialism *Wars of Imperialism (1880-1914) at: Offers excellent background summaries of colonial policy and conflict supported by rare documents and links. Focus is on Africa, but includes section on the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-05 *Women in World History: Primary Sources at: Beautifully presented and cogently introduced documents and images on women in colonial history from Africa to Southeast Asia. | | | | Notes1 This no mere adage. See J. R. Ackerley's 'Explanation" in the unpaginated preamble to his Hindoo Holiday; an Indian Journey (New York: Poseidon Press, 2nd ed., 1960).2 Aldridge State High School students addressing the evolution of European imperialism at The italics are mine; the ellipses indicate where this author has replaced references to only European empires where their remarks would also apply to Japanese and other colonial regimes. 3 See Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (New York: Orion Press, 1965); Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex and Class under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and Policies and their Critics, 1793-1905 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1980); Julia Bush, Edwardian Ladies and Imperial Power (New York: Leicester University Press. 1999); Antoinette M. Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); and At the Heart of the Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter In Late-Victorian Britain (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1998); M. Borthwick, The Changing Role of Women in Bengal, 1849–1905 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism. Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1992); D. Engels, Beyond Purdah? Women in Bengal, 1890–1939 (New York: Oxford, 1996); K. Jayawardena, The White Woman's Other Burden. Western Women and South Asia During British Colonial Rule (New York, Routledge, 1995); M. MacMillan, Women of the Raj (New York, Thames and Hudson, 1988); Ashis Nandy, Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism (London and New York: Oxford University Press, reprint ed. 1989); M. Strobel, European Women and the Second British Empire (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991). 4Peter Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display: English, Indian, and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).5 See, for example, Thomas Metcalfe, An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and Britain's Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).6 David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British saw their Empire (London: Allen Lane, 2001).7 See Prem Chowdhry, Colonial India and the Making of Empire Cinema: Image, Ideology and Identity (New Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 2001).8 See "Unit 21, Colonial Identities,"in Bridging World History, Annenberg/Corporation for Public Broadcasting at 9 Michael Edward Stanfield, Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees: Violence, Slavery, and Empire in Northwest Amazonia, 1850-1933 (Albuquerque, N.M.: University of New Mexico Press, 1998); Tran Tu Binh, The Red Earth: A Vietnamese Memoir of Life on a Colonial Rubber Plantation (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies Center, 1985); and Emma Reisz, "Free trade and the Pursuit of Hegemony: Imperial Britain in Global Rubber Markets, 1860-1922," 10 See Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Nino Famines and the making of the Third World (New York: Verso, 2000). 11 Vandana Swami, "Environmental History and British Colonialism in India: A Prime Political Agenda," CR: The New Centennial Review 3:3 (Fall 2003): 113-130.12 Carl A. Trocki, Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy: A Study of the Asian Opium Trade 1750-1950 (New York: 1999). Also Alfred McCoy, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade (1991), and The Politics of Heroin (New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 2003).13 See Roy Moxham, Great Hedge of India: The Search for the Living Barrier That Divided a Nation (Berkeley: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2001) and Mark Kulansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Penguin, 2003).14 Peter Macinnis, Bittersweet : The Story of Sugar (London: Allen Unwin, 2003).15 Jack Turner, Spice: The History of a Temptation (New York: Knopf, 2004).16 Woodruff D. Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar, and Imperialism," in the Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXIII/2 (Autumn 1992): 259-278, and Tom Standage, History of the World in Six Glasses (New York: Walker and Company, 2005).17 Virginia Scott Jenkins, Bananas: An American History (Washington, D. C. The Smithsonian, 2000).18 Trask, Haunani-Kay. From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawai'i (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, rev. ed, 1999). For "British Colonial," see 19 Himani Banerji, Age of Consent and Hegemonic Social Reform, in Clare Midgley, ed., Gender and Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998): 21-44.20 Paul Johnson, The Birth of the Modern: World Society, 1815-1830 (Harper Perennial, reissue edition, 1992). See also Paul Jonnson, "Commentary: The Answer to Terrorsm? Colonialism" (October 21, 2001) at 21 The Socialist Worker noted "William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard and chair of the Project for a New American Century, tells us: "And if people want to say we're an imperial power, fine." Wall Street Journal editorial features editor Max Boot agrees. "Given the historical baggage that 'imperialism' carries, there's no need for the U.S. government to embrace the term," he wrote in a recent column. "But it should definitely embrace the practice." at 22Quoted in Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, Volume 2, India, Persia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914): 224-233.23 Charles Allen, Plain Tales from the Dark Continent (New York: Warner, 1992 ed.).24 From "Living off the Country," published in Nigeria in 1942, reprinted in Charles Allen, ed., Tales from the Dark Continent (London: Andre Deutsch, 1979):110-123. Image is a facsimile of the original.25 See Rabindrath Tagore, Fireflies (Kolkata: Rupa and Company, 2002). For easy access to the work, and the quote, see 26 Other resources include:'s_Horseman.html | | 51. | | 52. Home | List Journal Issues | Table of Contents | © 2008 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois | Content in World History Connected is intended for personal, noncommercial use only. You may not reproduce, publish, distribute, transmit, participate in the transfer or sale of, modify, create derivative works from, display, or in any way exploit the World History Connected database in whole or in part without the written permission of the copyright holder. | 53.

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In Filipino Language and Culture
What are the rituals of ilocano's?

Answer by Jade24
Atang: An Ilocano appeasement ritualEven among the Ilocano sophisticates, there persists a belief in the existence of kaibaan or ansisit-tiny unseen spirits that proliferate among trees, rocks, and abandoned places, and who, if befriended, could cook in earthen pots an endless supply of rice, and exercise such other mythical powers. However, when these are inadvertently harmed, even innocuously, through a thoughtless act as when passing through their habitat without permission, they can cause rashes, boils (kurad), and other irksome maladies.
When this happens, a mangangatang-one who celebrates the atang appeasement ritual-is called upon to cure the illness caused by the kaibaan. The manner by which this is done differs from case to case, depending on what kind of kaibaan is involved. Most Popular Articles * Aznar, Trimble to launch new pro-Israel project. 'Friends of Israel * Fourth of July festivities around Northen Utah * Gypsy king; Graham Hunter examines the clash between Barcelona's * Are They Demons Or Just Delusions? Popular culture continues to debate whether exorcisms are necessary to cleanse a demon-filled world or just a cheaper alternative to conventional psychiatric therapy * July 4 fireworks schedule; What's closed July 5th Most Recent Articles * * * * *

The simplest of the rituals consists of an offering of grated coconut meat mixed with oil, around that are pieces of coconut husks and shells, placed in the middle of a winnowing tray. At about 6 p.m., the mangangatang (or mangngagas, "healer") brings the tray to the place where the kaibaan is thought to live, and who then invites the spirits to partake of the offering, asking them to relieve the patient of the illness. If, after a few days, nothing happens, the reason could be that a higher order of spirits is involved, which means another kind of atang is needed.
The second attempt at appeasement is more involved. The offering is much the same, with the addition of a glass of water. However, these items must be obtained by the mangangatang from different houses in the community, without the owners knowing the purpose for which these are asked of them. More stringent requirement is that only the mangangatang can touch them. The violation of this requirement will result in a grievous effect on the patient, which may even result in death.
When nothing still happens, then it means that the highest order of kaibaan is involved. The offering becomes more elaborate and includes rice cakes, glass of water, oil from a coconut with reddish-brown husk, three pieces of rolled tobacco leaves (dinubla), betel-nut chew and perhaps fruit. An important component is meat from chicken that has been sacrificed on a small altar outside the house of the patient. The mangangatang sees to it that no blood is shed on the altar and that the altar is cleaned before the final offering is made. After this third atang, the patient is certain to be cured.

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