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The Attitude of Youth Populations toward Globalization What exactly are the youth views on globalization? First let’s start by defining globalization. Globalization refers to increasing global connectivity, integration and interdependence in the economic, social, technological, cultural, political, and ecological spheres. Globalization is an umbrella term and is perhaps best understood as a unitary process inclusive of many subprocesses that are increasingly binding people and the biosphere more tightly into one global system (Wikipedia, 2007). Next let’s verify the term youth. Youth is "The time of life when one is young; especially: a: the period between childhood and maturity b: the early period of existence, growth, or development" (Wikipedia, 2007).
“Globalizing issues have effects on four major areas of international relations theory and practice. First, the interconnectedness of the plethora of subissues within health, environmental, and human rights issues affect international bargaining” (Mingst, 2004). These issues are talked about daily in the news. Often times when health issues are brought up it is related to youth whether it is HIV, STD’s, or just simple obesity. Often times these issues when viewed at by youth are things that do not affect them in actuality it affect them more so than adults.
“Second, these globalizing issues themselves may be the source of conflict” (Mingst). With this being said it is evident why the world goes through epidemics and no one can figure out the solution. It is in the youths hands and if they were educated enough on the matter it would be possible for these epidemics such as HIV to be decreased. Third, these globalizing issues pose direct challenges to state sovereignty. If government can not control the economy and health and well being who should society turn to? This has many people asking the same question. How can the state have power when they are not able to control things that are serious issues throughout the state? “Fourth, globalizing issues pose critical problems for international relations” (Mingst).
The widespread of globalization is making the competition a lot harder for today’s youth. The job market across the world is so competitive that speaking another language within the next few years is going to be required. The consumption market is at a high also. Research has shown to be highly evident in Kerala, India. “In much popular discourse, a short-hand way to mark the advent and impact of globalization is to point to the evidence of "global" youth consuming practices and symbols in often remote corners of the world: during the 1990s, for example, the popularity of the basketball star Michael Jordan and his team the Chicago Bulls in the slums of Brazil and in rural villages in Africa, the spread of hip-hop music around the world, and the popularity of McDonalds among young people in China. These examples have a theory of globalization and youth embedded within them. Youth is seen as a consuming social group, the first to bend to what is understood to be the homogenizing pressures of globalization, a globalization fundamentally tied to Americanization. Youth consumption practices become an index of the presence and reach of globalization.
Such short-hand ways of indexing the salience of contemporary forms of globalization as a cultural force obscure the ways in which new global cultural forms are inserted into long-standing struggles over the meanings of modality in many postcolonial locations. While attention to globalization as a new cultural force is crucial to understanding the changed cultural, political, and economic conditions under which much of the postcolonial world now struggles, situating globalization within long-standing histories of the production of modernity’s around the world is in tum crucial to interrogating claims about new-ness, homogenization, and cultural force that the discourse of globalization itself produces. As I will argue below, in the context of India, an understanding of the dynamic relationship among youth, consumption, and globalization requires an interrogation of the conditions under which young people engage new spaces of consumption. These conditions are profoundly shaped by colonialist and nationalist categories such as "tradition/modemity" and "public/private" which structure the ways in which young men and women negotiate new consumer identities and spaces.
The equation between youth, consumption, and globalization is also made within scholarly discourse. Though this discourse tends to challenge the notion that globalization is about the Americanization of the world, all the difference and deviation from a homogenized understanding of globalization is folded into a notion of a resistant "local", in opposition to the "global", in ways that produce overly dichotomous and somewhat caricatured notions of both what globalization entails and the complexity of what might constitute "the local". For example, globalization, as a political, economic, and cultural force, operates as much through the production of difference as sameness. Likewise, the "local" might collude with and resist structures of globalization, partaking of hegemonic forms of cultural nationalism that hoth dominate and marginalize, as is the case with Hindu nationalism in India.
Further, folding the difference and deviation from a homogenized understanding of globalization into some undifferentiated notion of the "local" leaves unmarked the nature of a specifically postcolonial difference. This is especially true with respect to understandings of consumption within cultural studies and anthropology. Cultural studies of youth have highlighted the role of consumption practices in the formation of youth cultures. These studies have focused on the ways young people deploy music and clothing styles in order to form subcultural youth identities which are seen as acts of resistance against a dominant culture. This body of research has opened up the possibility that consumption does not simply produce victims of capitalist hegemony, but is a site for a complicated mediation of youth identities. More recently, this focus on youth cultural practices has extended beyond the Euro-American context, to link a concern with globalization, youth cultural studies, and spatiality in non-Western contexts." The anthropology of globalization has also been marked by a focus on consumption.' This has led to significant overlap—if not identity—between what one might call the anthropology of globalization and the anthropology of consumption, though clearly, they are not reducible to each other. Arguably, it is impossible to do a contemporary study of some aspect of "consumption" without reference to some aspect of "globalization" and vice versa—indeed, it is argued that consumption is a privileged site for the study of globalization.
This renewed focus on consumption as a site for the exploration of this moment of globalization dovetails with the rise of cultural studies and its influence on anthropology. The rise of cultural Marxism, its consolidation into cultural studies, with an important and early focus on youth, and its influence on anthropology has also led to the privileging of consumption as an object of cultural analysis. This privileging of consumption is founded on an argument with Marxism about the relative importance vis a vis production of the realm of exchange, advertising, and consumption in the economic, social, and cultural processes that make up the changing historical dynamics of capital. Much work in the cultural studies and anthropology of consumption has been devoted to exploring this hitherto undervalued and neglected domain of social life, arguing its importance for understanding identity formation under the intersecting frames of colonialism, nationalism, and capitalism. This body of research has opened up the opportunity that expenditure does not simply create victims of entrepreneur domination, but is a site for a complicated mediation of identities. Rather than view consumption as an already existing, readily available set of social practices that need to be examined and deciphered, it is suggest that the land of consumption cannot be so easily assumed. The above approach naturalizes consumption as an already existing, readily available set of social practices. Secondarily, questions are posed about the presence or absence of agency, the mediation of identities, and the relationship of this already existing domain to other domains (e.g., production). However, instead of examining "agency" or "identity" per se or attempting to discern the relative importance of consumption vis a vis production, I would like to begin by examining the space of consumption itself.
While there is no doubt that consumption as a structured field of practice "exists", it is also itself an object—something to be produced through discourse, practice, and imagination.'" As Beng Huat states for East Asia, much theorization and research on consumption focuses on identity politics and comes out of an argument about the importance of consumption visa- vis high/low debates about culture within the Euro-American context.'' The field of consumer practices is often taken for granted. While the identity politics of consumer practices is certainly crucial, especially for the politics of youth and generation, the ideological context within which that politics is played out is quite different. Within the debates I analyze below, discourses of consumption insert themselves into the cultural-ideological terrain of postcolonial states and societies, struggling with the legacy of colonialism and anti-colonial nationalism, as they intersect with a new global order. This terrain is marked by debates about Westernization, tradition, and modernity that emerge out of colonial modernity and are newly reconfigured under new conditions of globalization.
Drawing on the cultural history of South Asia, I would also argue that the terrain of preoccupation with Westernization, tradition, and modernity is a profoundly gendered one, in which the place of women along the public/private and tradition/modernity binaries becomes a key to understanding the dynamics of this cultural-ideological terrain. Consumption, as "social practice" or "everyday life", operates in and through these political fields. This article examines how new, globally-inflected patterns of consumption among young people in the state of Kerala, South India (through clothing practices, movies, and the staging of beauty pageants) are reconfigured in relation to the colonialist and nationalist projects concerned with the place of women within the public/private and tradition/modernity dichotomies. Drawing on feminist cultural analysis that has renewed its interest in consumer culture, it is concerned with youth as a gendered category of consumption. Rather than see consumption as singularly a site of patriarchal domination and the commoditization of women's bodies, feminist writers and cultural historians, echoing arguments in youth cultural studies and the anthropology of consumption, have investigated the ways in which consumer culture is a complex site of female participation and constraint, enjoyment and objectification. These cultural analyses focus on what women and girls do with consumer goods and how commodities give rise to meaning-making processes which are frequently at odds with the intended meanings and usages, leading to ascriptions of "resistance" and "agency" to female consumers. Rather than focus on the presence or absence of agency, I am more interested in elucidating the cultural-political terrain into which consumption as an objectified field of practice is inserted.
By paying attention to this terrain, it becomes possible to examine the contradictions of fashion for young women and men who are both objects of commoditization and subjects of consumption. I examine the ways in which a modem nationalist patriarchy which placed women in the private, but allowed them to traverse the public through the deployment of class-inflected gendered demeanors and feminine habitués, confronts the patriarchy of a globalizing capitalism through new forms of consumption. In turn, this analysis seeks to understand how commodified masculinities are differentially related to this same public/private nexus. Initiated in the early 1990s, economic liberalization policies, reducing tariffs and duties on imported goods, opening up state controlled industries to the private sector, transforming the banking and investment sector, to name a few of the economic reforms that this liberalization entailed, have intensified the globalization of the Indian economy, in the realms of both production and consumption. In this context, several formulations have marked the rise of consumption as a new terrain for the reconfiguration of national identity in the globalizing 1990s, supplanting the national, developmental citizen of the post independence national-socialist Nehruvian state. Desponded identifies as the clearest representative of this new "cosmopolitan consumer" the Non-Resident Indian (NRI)—a category of the Indian state that refers to those living and working abroad—as a kind of modern mythological hero for the globalizing Indian middle classes.''' One of the ways in which globalizing capitalism intersects with local structures of meaning and power is by producing culturally strategic images of consumer agency. Non-Resident Indian (the NRI) is just such a category, initially generated from the Indian nation-state's encounter with a variety of diasporic Indian realities.
First, NRI is a bureaucratic, banking category aimed at attracting investment capital and foreign reserves from Indians living and working abroad. Tie most concrete manifestations of this category are the NRI accounts and financial schemes in banks. In Kerala, these accounts have consistently comprised about 25 percent of the state's domestic product for the last 25 years. But the NRI formation is not simply reducible to remittances. The NRI in India is also a cultural category, a consumer lifestyle that is selectively construed as upper-caste and upper-class, for fashioning a new kind of market-driven citizen in India. The fashioning of the new consumer citizen requires the material possibility that one can live an NRI lifestyle, that one can be "NRI" without ever leaving India. The new figure of the globally-oriented Indian consumer is fashioned in and through specific images of consumer agency. Recent scholarship on advertising, television, and film in India have highlighted the ways in which globalizing capital operates through the production of specific and various sites of consumer desire and agency, marked by caste, region, community, age, gender, and class” (Lukose, 2005). So as proven through the research today’s youth view globalization as something that in unimportant and not relevant to them. “Every generation may believe its time is unprecedented. Yet the current generation of youth, the largest in history, is facing a combination of social and economic conditions and demographic trends certain to make their lives dramatically different from those of their parents and grandparents. The question being asked is how the absolute and relative numbers of young people and their nations’ social and economic circumstances shape their futures. We do so to highlight how demographic conditions help or hinder governments’ and families’ investments in youth.
In this way we complement the others, which focus on the lived experience of adolescents in various world regions. Who falls into the “youth” category, and what are the defining features of this group? The definition of youth is fluid and arbitrarily defined, both physically and socially, and varies across cultures and eras. The implications of defining this phase one way or another are significant for program development. For the purposes of this chapter, however, we can agree that in most cultures, the 2nd, and even 3rd, decade of life is an eventful time, a period in which young people experience changes in their roles and shifts in social expectations of them” (Fussell, Greene 2004). “Youth analysts are increasingly speaking of a new phase in the life course between adolescence and adulthood, an elongated phase of semi autonomy, variously called “postadolescence,” “youth,” or “emerging adulthood” (Arnett, 2000). During this time, young people are relatively free from adult responsibilities and able to explore diverse career and life options. There is evidence that “emerging adults” in their 20s feel neither like adults nor like adolescents; instead, they consider themselves in some ways like each. At the same time, given the wide variety of perceived and actual options available to them, the transition to adulthood has become increasingly “destructured” and “individualized” (Shanahan, 2000).
Youth may begin to make commitments to work and to significant others, but these are more tentative than they will be later. Jobs are more likely to be part-time than at older ages, particularly while higher education, a priority for a growing number of youth, is pursued. There is increasing employment among young people in jobs limited by contract, denoted as contingent or temporary. Such jobs are often obtained through temporary job service agencies. Young people are also increasingly cohabiting prior to marriage or as an alternative to marriage” (Sackett, Mavor 2003).

Bulgaria has a lot of issues with the youths vies on globalization. Recent studies prove this to be true. “The young generation of Bulgarians, using students as the sample. The young and educated are among the groups most likely to leave, and they are easily accessible in this type of study. The political commitment of the post-communist generation has implications for the future development of democracy in Bulgaria. But when young people choose to leave the country, this exodus may be seen as evidence of discontent and a lack of trust in the ongoing reform process (Kovatcheva, 1999) or as a passive, private, and anomic reaction (Hirschman, 1993). In the case of Eastern Europeans going to the West, this may also be perceived as a desire to participate in the consumer culture (Morawska, 1998, 1999). To what extent do Bulgarian students emphasize emigration as an option for themselves, and how much do they emphasize political commitment to try to change the situation in their country? Following Hirschman (1970, 1993), I refer to emigration as Exit and political commitment as Voice. I explore students’ plans for Exit and/or Voice in terms of their association with specific background, reasons, or behavior, whether politically, psychologically, or economically focused. The findings are discussed with reference to Hirschman’s work on Exit and Voice in the 1989 transition in the German Democratic Republic (1993) and with respect to postmodern features of increased globalization and consumerism.
Young people in Bulgaria, mainly students, have had a political role during the transition process. Together with the wider democratic movement in the country, their protests in the streets and on campus brought about a change in presidents in 1990 and a change of government in both 1990 and 1997 (Kovatcheva, 2000b; Wallace & Kovatcheva, 1996, 1998). Mitev (2001) also documented a massive commitment among youth during the protests of February–April 1997, but found surprisingly reserved attitudes in December 1998.
Youth in Eastern Europe most likely encounter more risks than opportunities in the fragmented world of late modernity or post modernity because of the sociopolitical problems they face. Kovatcheva (2001) described how the most important consequence of the reforms, in terms of post-communist youth, is the breakdown of the established regulators for a smooth passage during this life stage. She referred to economic hardships, lack of clear-cut career tracks from school to work, a youth unemployment rate reaching 39% in 1998, devaluation of moral norms, political parties trying to adapt to a new market situation, and so on. Other risk factors typically mentioned are loss of identity, becoming second-class citizens, and the collapse of the communist youth culture combined with the absence of a successor culture (Flesch, 1992, quoted in Nagle, 1994). Flesch referred to this problem as going from a system of high (if ambiguously received) security to new insecurities that young people must try to deal with. Although this means less forced participation, it also means less state support, which in turn leads to individualization and privatization of their problem as well as social exclusion (Wallace & Kovatcheva, 1996, p. 209). All in all, the relatively homogeneous situation for young people during communism has been replaced by an increasing heterogeneity. The freedom to be politically involved and the freedom to leave the country are two examples of this new heterogeneity. Consumption is seen as having an important role in the emergence of a postmodern culture (Miles, 1998). How and why we consume, and the parameters within which we consume, are considered important in terms of how we construct our everyday lives. This is no less important in the case of young people, who are drawn into consumption because it is in the interests of the market. Researchers on youth and citizenship describe how young people’s access to the consumer market brings the possibility of new forms of freedom, independence, and choice (i.e., Jones & Wallace, 1992).
Following Giddens’ (1991) theories of late modernity, consumerism implies “individualization” for young people and for the construction of self. However, the description of consumerism often takes on negative overtones, representing a threat to citizenship per se. New forms of exclusion of individuals and groups in society arise, based on the lack of money to participate in the consumer culture’s premises. Miles (1998), on the other hand, argued that even if consumer goods and services surround us, they need not represent a negative influence on our lives. He contended that consumerism should rather be looked upon as an arena within which social lives are constructed, particularly within “advanced capitalist societies.” During the transition process, Bulgaria has become a kind of liberal market economy but would appear to be far from an advanced capitalist society. How important, then, is consumerism as a feature in post-communist societies” (Bynner, 2005)? Wrapping up the tremendous amount of research it is possible for one to say the youth of today has an effect on the youth of tomorrow. If it is not taught in our school now, the importance of globalization and how it may affect ones future adolescence may not have a chance to expand their horizons. If globalization is taught then their will is equal opportunity for the youth to compete for jobs and many other things needed in society to maintain. Outline

Introduction purpose of the research body telling about the views that youth have how youth can make a difference things that can be changed conclusion Title: The Attitude of Youth Populations toward Globalization
Purpose: To find out what the youth views of globalization are
Concept: Define.
The main concept that is important in my research is to find out if the youth relize how important globalization is to our economy.

References
Bottorf ,Pula and Savitt ,William, “Global Development,” 1995

Bynner, John. “Journal of Youth Studies,” Journal of social History 8, no. 4 (2005):367-384

Chua, Amy. World On Fire 2003

Fussell ,Elizabeth and Greene, Margaret. “The World’s Youth.” University Press. 2004 [cited 19 April 2007]

Lukose, Ritty. “Consuming Globalization Youth and Gender in Kerala, India,” Journal of social History 38, no. 4 (2005): 915-935

Mingst, Karen A. Essentials of International Relations third edition 2004

Sackett ,Paul and Mavor ,Anne. “Attitudes, Aptitudes and Aspirations of American Youth.” National Academic Press, 2003 [cited 20 April 2007

www.wikipedia.com, 22 April 2007

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