Free Essay

Pacific Century

In:

Submitted By joyp
Words 16362
Pages 66
NATIONAL OPINION POLL:
CANADIAN VIEWS ON ASIA

© Copyright 2014 Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABOUT THE ASIA PACIFIC FOUNDATION OF CANADA _________________________________________________ 2

ABOUT THE NATIONAL OPINION POLL: CANADIAN VIEWS ON ASIA ________________________________ 2

METHODOLOGY

KEY FINDINGS

___________________________________________________________________________________________ 2

____________________________________________________________________________________________ 3

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA

DETAILED FINDINGS

___________________________________________________________ 7

____________________________________________________________________________________ 17

SECTION 1: PERCEPTIONS OF ASIA __________________________________________________________ 17
SECTION 2: VIEWS OF CANADA-ASIA ECONOMIC RELATIONS ____________________________ 23
SECTION 3: PROVINCIAL PERSPECTIVES ON CANADA-ASIA RELATIONS

_______________ 31

SECTION 4: CANADA-ASIA ENERGY RELATIONS ___________________________________________ 35
SECTION 5: PROMOTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN ASIA

________________________________________ 39

SECTION 6: CANADA-ASIA SECURITY ISSUES ______________________________________________ 41
SECTION 7: DEMOGRAPHIC FINDINGS

______________________________________________________ 43

APPENDIX: READING THE TABLES _____________________________________________________________________ 49

NOP 2014 PG. 1

ABOUT THE ASIA PACIFIC FOUNDATION OF CANADA
The Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada (APF
Canada) has been a leader in research and analysis on Canada’s relations with Asia for thirty years. Our mission is to develop ideas for action by Canadian businesses, governments, and individuals to help them seize the vast opportunities unfolding in
Asia. We do this by offering clear, specific, and actionable policy advice and leadership based on

sound research and analysis. APF Canada’s current thematic priorities include trade and investment, energy and the environment, and international education. Engaged in research and convening,
APF Canada has developed strong ties with policymakers, business leaders, academics, and opinion makers in Canada and throughout the Asia
Pacific region.

ABOUT THE NATIONAL OPINION POLL: CANADIAN VIEWS ON ASIA
For 10 years, the Asia Pacific Foundation of
Canada has been conducting regular nation-wide surveys to assess Canadians’ attitudes toward, and perceptions of, Canada-Asia relations. Unique in its construction and its objectives, the Foundation’s
National Opinion Poll (NOP) has been instrumental in drawing a portrait of Canadians’ perspectives on
Asia and the region's increasing relevance to
Canada’s prosperity. With a large sample of over
3,400 Canadians, the National Opinion Poll serves as a valuable source of information about how
Canadians feel about the rise of Asia.
In past surveys, the Foundation found that
Canadians recognize the economic importance of
Asian countries but are reluctant to adopt policies for facilitating economic engagement with Asian

partners. The 2014 survey provides two contributions: first, fresh data on Canadian views on Asia, including comparisons to previous years’ results; second, an in-depth examination of the factors behind Canadians’ reluctance to engage with Asia. For this year’s survey, we developed new questions that allow us to measure Canadians’ underlying attitudes about issues such as trading with partners perceived to be non-democratic and competing with low-wage countries. We also measured attitudes towards foreign control of
Canadian economic assets and the perceived effect of foreign influences on Canada’s way of life. The findings provide a basis for a continued conversation about Canada’s role in the Asia Pacific region.

METHODOLOGY
From 25 February to 7 March 2014, Angus
Reid Public Opinion conducted an online survey among 3,487 Canadian adults who are Angus Reid
Forum panelists. The margin of error—which measures sampling variability—is +/– 1.7% for the entire sample. The results have been statistically

weighted according to the current census data on education, age, gender, and region to ensure that the sample is representative of the entire adult population of Canada. Discrepancies in or between totals are due to rounding. The median completion time for the survey was 14 minutes.

NOP 2014 PG. 2

KEY FINDINGS
1. CANADIANS’ ENTHUSIASM FOR BUILDING CLOSER
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC TIES WITH ASIA DROPPED
SIGNIFICANTLY IN THE PAST 12 MONTHS

exchanges and university agreements with Asia, and for cultural exchanges through the performing arts.

Canadian public opinion in 2014 is decidedly less positive toward the prospect of strengthening social and economic relations with Asia than it was a year ago. Even though a third (33%) of Canadians believe
Canada is more a part of the Asia Pacific region than it was a decade ago, they are less convinced today of the potential economic benefits for Canada of building closer ties with Asian countries. Moreover, while
Canadians in 2014 are evenly split on whether or not
Canada would benefit from more Asian investment in the country (41% agree, 41% disagree), this is a significant shift in opinion from a year ago, when 50% held a positive outlook on Asian investment.

2. SHIFT IN OLDER (55+) CANADIANS’ VIEWS OF
ASIA DRAGS DOWN OVERALL PERSPECTIVES ON
ENGAGEMENT WITH THE REGION

This trend is particularly true in the case of China.
The proportion of Canadians who consider China to be highly important to their economic prosperity dropped from 45% in 2013 to 35% in 2014. That is the lowest level ever recorded by APF Canada’s National Opinion
Poll. Compared to other trading partners, China ranked fourth in importance, falling behind the European
Union and the United Kingdom for the first time.
Furthermore, just 41% of Canadians see China’s growing economic power as more of an opportunity than a threat for Canada; that is a drop of seven points from 48% in 2013. Again, this marks a new low.
The decline in enthusiasm for engagement with Asia translates into much lower support for specific policies designed to strengthen and expand Canada’s links with the region. While more than one-third (37%) of
Canadians still believe that economic and political relations with Asia should be Canada’s top foreign policy priority, that is down significantly from 51% in
2013 and 55% in 2012. That overall perspective also extends to specific policies designed to help facilitate investment between Canada and Asia. For example, half of all Canadians (50%) now oppose giving economic incentives to encourage more Canadian companies to set up operations in Asia (a seven-point increase from
2013), and fewer support the idea of trade missions for
Canadian companies to visit Asia (from 58% in 2013 to
47% in 2014). On the social and cultural front, support is down across the board for teaching more about Asia or more Asian languages in schools, for student

Over the past 12 months, older Canadians (55+) in particular have grown more reluctant to engage with
Asia, and are now less convinced of the region’s economic importance to Canada. This has dragged down Canadians’ views of Asia more generally. By comparison, the views of younger Canadians have remained much more stable.
Older Canadians’ views of the benefits of economic engagement with Asian countries have soured considerably. For example, they are much less likely to believe that China is highly important to Canada’s prosperity (46% in 2013 to 32% in 2014). This 14-point drop is the lowest ever observed for older Canadians.
In contrast, the views of 18- to 29-year-olds regarding
China’s importance to Canada’s prosperity have moved very little in the past year (44% in 2013 to 41% in 2014). Similarly, about half as many older Canadians
(17%) consider India important to Canada’s prosperity in 2014 than was the case in 2013 (33%), while younger
Canadians’ views remain virtually unchanged. Older
Canadians’ perceptions of the importance of all other
Asian countries have also declined over the past year.
The growing doubts among older Canadians about
Asia’s economic importance to Canada extends to their decreased willingness to engage with the region in specific trade, investment, and other policy areas.
For example, far fewer now think Canada would benefit from more Asian investment in the country than was the case in 2013 (54% in 2013 and 44% in 2014). In comparison, younger Canadians’ views have changed very little (43% in 2013 to 42% in 2014). Furthermore, older Canadians express much greater opposition to free trade agreements with Asian countries than at any other time in the past; year-over-year opposition to free trade with China has risen by 8 points (48% in
2013 to 56% in 2014), 10 points for India (43% to 53%),
8 points for South Korea (38% to 46%), and 10 points for countries in Southeast Asia (41% to 51%). For younger Canadians, shifts in opposition to free trade agreements with all countries are smaller and

NOP 2014 PG. 3

KEY FINDINGS statistically insignificant. Lastly, older Canadians are much more reluctant to place greater emphasis on teaching Asian languages or about Asia in Canadian schools. There has been a nine-point drop in support for teaching about Asia in the schools (52% in 2013 to
43% in 2014), and a nine-point drop for teaching Asian languages (31% to 22%).
What might explain this shift in older Canadians’ perspectives on Asia? Interestingly, it is not due to a growing hostility toward or dislike of Asia. Indeed, their feelings (“warm” versus “cold”) towards Asian countries have remained remarkably stable. Notably, in the case of Japan and South Korea, there were record high levels of older Canadians who feel “warm” toward these countries (Japan: 39%; South Korea: 22%).
Rather than feeling a growing hostility, it appears that older Canadians simply consider Asian countries to be less important economically, and that reduces their appetite for engagement with the region. Part of this may be due to a slowing of older Canadians’ interest in news about Asia over the past two years. In fact, further analysis of the National Opinion Poll data shows there is a direct relationship between paying attention to news about Asia and perceptions of the region’s economic importance to Canada. In 2012, 52% of older
Canadians said they were paying more attention to
Canada’s relations with Asia than they had the previous year. This dropped to 38% in 2013 and sits at just 35% in 2014. Among younger Canadians, there was little change in attention to Canada-Asia relations. Although it remains difficult to pinpoint the precise reason why perceptions of Asia shifted, our findings suggest that changes in older Canadians’ consumption of Asiarelated news had an influence on their views of the region.
3. CANADIANS’ SUPPORT FOR ENGAGEMENT WITH
ASIA IS DRIVEN PRIMARILY BY FEELINGS OF POLITICAL
COMFORT
Canadians’ support for strengthening economic ties with Asia is determined by more than just the region’s growing economic importance. The economic statistics demonstrate that Asia is increasingly important to Canada’s economic prosperity: Asian countries buy an increasing percentage of Canadian exports, and three of Canada’s top seven trading partners are now

Asian countries (China, Japan, and South Korea). But
Canadians’ perceptions and opinions have not always kept pace with the economic facts.
For example, more than a quarter (26%) of Canadians view Australia as highly important to Canadian prosperity, even though it is not a top-10 trading partner. Only half as many Canadians (13%) view
South Korea as highly important to Canada’s prosperity despite its being Canada’s seventh-largest trading partner. Furthermore, while 40% of Canadians view the
United Kingdom—which is our third-largest trading partner—as highly important to Canadian prosperity, only 35% of Canadians view China—which is our second-largest trading partner—as highly important.
It seems that Canadians not only underestimate the economic importance of Asia but are also less likely to want to engage economically with Asian countries on a policy level. For instance, there is relatively low support for signing free trade agreements with major Asian trading partners like China (36%), India (38%), and
South Korea (41%), but high support for free trade agreements with the European Union (67%) and
Australia (69%).
Concerns about economic competition play a role in shaping support for engagement. Canadians who are less likely to want to engage with Asia are also those who prefer increasing economic ties only with countries seen as having wages and labour standards similar to our own. However, these concerns about wages and labour standards extend to engagement with all countries, and they cannot adequately explain why
Canadians support engagement with traditional partners but not with Asian or other emerging countries.
The higher support for engagement with the EU and
Australia can be explained, in part, by Canadians’ relative comfort with partners viewed as familiar and politically like-minded. Respondents expressing a strong concern for political rights (i.e. human rights and democracy) are considerably less willing to support free trade agreements with Asian countries like China,
India, and South Korea than those who do not express these concerns. Likewise, Canadians who see their security interests best served by strengthening ties to traditional allies are distinctly less willing to engage with Asian countries than are Canadians who express support for building relations with a broader group of

NOP 2014 PG. 4

KEY FINDINGS countries. In contrast, support for engagement with partners like Australia and the EU remains steadily high among those Canadians expressing a strong concern about political rights and among those expressing a preference for strengthening ties with traditional allies. Overall, the NOP findings show that
Canadians’ political comfort with a trading partner strongly influences their perceptions of economic importance and their willingness to engage with that country.
4. CANADIANS’ VIEWS OF ASIA ARE SIMILAR TO THEIR
VIEWS OF OTHER EMERGING COUNTRIES
Asia is not viewed in a distinctly negative way when compared to emerging countries such as Brazil,
Russia, South Africa, and Turkey. With respect to attitudes towards importance to Canadian prosperity, most Asian countries are rated as being more important than Brazil (12% of respondents), Russia (8%) and
South Africa (6%). The Asian country or region thought to be least important—Southeast Asia—was rated as important to Canadian economic prosperity as Brazil (12%).
Support for economic relations is similar for Asian and non-Asian emerging economies. For example, a free trade agreement with Brazil is supported by just under half (45%) of Canadians, with South Africa by more than one-third (38%), and with Turkey by fewer than one-third (30%). Support for trade and investment with emerging countries is influenced by the same underlying political attitudes toward democracy and security that also shape views of countries in the Asia
Pacific region.
Russia is singled out for particularly negative treatment by Canadians. Out of all the countries examined, Russia was the least desirable candidate for a free trade agreement (28%). Opposition to investment from a Russian state-owned enterprise was higher than for any other country (76%). Similarly, the “coolest” feelings were reserved for Russia (34% “cool”). This was likely due to the human rights issues raised during the Olympics and Russia’s role in the Ukrainian crisis.
Attitudes toward Russia further underline the importance of political factors in determining support for relations with a country.

5. MEN AND THOSE WITH HIGHER EDUCATION ARE MOST
SUPPORTIVE OF ENGAGEMENT WITH ASIA
Support for engagement with Asia varies across demographic groups. Men and people with higher levels of education tend to be the most enthusiastic.
However, they also tend to support economic engagement with all foreign countries. Those demographic variables do not explain much of the gap between support for Asian and for Western countries.
On the other hand, whereas older and younger
Canadians have fairly similar views on engagement with Asia, older Canadians are particularly keen to trade with traditional partners.
In relation to every country that was asked about, men are more supportive of free trade agreements.
That holds for Asian countries like India (men: 46% support; women: 30% support), emerging non-Asian countries like Brazil (men: 54% support, women: 36% support), and Western countries like Australia
(men: 77% support; women: 61% support). There is a particularly sharp gender distinction when it comes to economic engagement with Japan (23 points) and
South Korea (26 points). A similar pattern is found when respondents are asked about their support for investment by state-owned enterprises from a range of countries.
Support for engagement with Asia tends to be highest among Canadians with higher levels of education. A majority of Canadians with a university degree support free trade agreements with India,
Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia. Among those with a high school education or lower, there is not a single Asian country with which a free trade agreement receives majority support.
With a few exceptions, the views of younger and older Canadians on Asia are converging. For India,
China, South Korea, and Southeast Asia, there is little difference across the age brackets in support for trade.
Attitudes toward Japan are an exception. Older
Canadians (55+) are more likely to support a free trade agreement with Japan than are younger
Canadians. The largest differences across age are evident when respondents were asked about support for trade with Western countries. Among younger respondents (18-29), under three-fifths (57%) support

NOP 2014 PG. 5

KEY FINDINGS
All Canadians have a role to play: political leaders need to work with the public to build support for stronger ties with Asia. Businesses need to invest in
Asia strategies. And our educational institutions should place greater emphasis on Asia skills, knowledge, and experience to prepare the next generation of Canadians for a more Asia-centric world.

a free trade agreement with Australia compared to almost four-fifths (79%) among older respondents
(55+).
6. IMPLICATIONS FOR CANADA
Given the growing importance of Asia, Canada’s standard of living and influence in the world will be increasingly tied to strengthening its economic and political relationships with Asian partners. However, our study shows that the Canadian public has reservations about economic engagement with Asia.
A majority of Canadians prefer to strengthen economic ties with traditional western allies. Thus they tend to be more willing to engage with trading partners such as Australia and the United Kingdom, which are widely regarded as friendly and democratic.
There is less enthusiasm for engaging with emerging powers, Asian countries included.
Canadian hesitation to engage with Asia is likely to be costly. We risk losing opportunities for economic growth and diversification. Over time, this could translate into Canada losing global clout and the ability to effect change in Asia. Even as Canadians express a preference for remaining tied to traditional economic partners, those very partners are aggressively building stronger political and business ties with Asian countries.
Canada-Asia relations will stagnate unless the apprehensions of Canadians are addressed.
Some of the reluctance to engage with Asia can be overcome by providing Canadians with more information about developments in Asia and by building
Asia competence among the next generation of
Canadian leaders. Growing familiarity is likely to foster enthusiasm for greater economic and social exchange.
Where concerns about security and political rights are likely to continue to play a role in shaping opinions, the public will need reassurance that economic engagement will not come at the cost of compromising
Canadian values and national interests.
Greater comfort with Asia will not happen by accident. We have to start with a conscious effort to forge a national consensus on the importance of Asia for our country.

NOP 2014 PG. 6

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA

WHY ARE CANADIANS HESITANT TO ENGAGE ASIA? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Although the numbers are down this year, Canadians still perceive Asia as important to the country’s economic prosperity, but they are hesitant to support concrete policies to facilitate economic engagement. Why is it that
Canadians both recognize Asia’s importance but worry about changing our policies to seize economic opportunities?
And why is support for engagement with Asian countries so much lower than support for engaging with our traditional trading partners?
In this analytical section, we examine the attitudinal basis for Canadians’ hesitancy toward Asia, focusing specifically on the gap between support for trade and investment with different countries. We find that noneconomic factors—particularly security concerns and

Canadians’ preference for engaging with democratic countries—are key drivers of opinions about Asia and the broader world.

Canadians view Asia as important to their economic prosperity The economic facts tell a clear story: Asian countries are increasingly important to Canada’s economic prosperity.
Canadian exports to Asian markets are rising. China is now Canada’s second-largest trading partner. As large
Asian economies continue to grow, the livelihoods of
Canadians will become increasingly connected with the
Asia Pacific region.

Perceived importance of countries to Canada’s economic prosperity

HIGH IMPORTANCE
(% of 6-7 on a scale of 7)

LOW IMPORTANCE
(% of 1-2 on a scale of 7)

2010

2011

2012

2013

2%

2%

3%

2%

5%

7%

9%

5%

4%

European Union

NA

NA

NA

6%

5%

8%

8%

8%

7%

United Kingdom
China

8%

8%

10%

4%

NA

14%

19%

11%

NA

NA

NA

NA

18%

19%

23%

10%

24%

24%

30%

14%

18%

18%

25%

11%

NA

19%

26%

11%

NA

NA

NA

NA

24%

Russia

8%

NA

NA

NA

NA

24%

South Africa

6%

NA

NA

NA

NA

2%

10%
7%
11%
9%
15%
18%
15%
16%

29%

“NA”: No data available
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

2013
74%

United States
46%
40%
35%

Japan

31%

2012

2011

2010

75%

75%

77%

80%

42%

32%

35%

38%

34%

NA

NA

NA

45%

46%

44%

44%

33%

26%

25%

28%

Mexico

27%

23%

18%

18%

NA

Australia

26%

NA

NA

NA

NA

28%

16%

16%

16%

10%

8%

8%

20%

India
South Korea

13%

15%

Southeast Asia

12%

15%

12%

13%

12%

12%

17%

10%

9%

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

Brazil

Turkey

4%

Base: All respondents: 2010 (n = 2,903), 2011 (n = 2,926), 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.6 How important are each of these countries or regions to Canada’s prosperity?

NOP 2014 PG. 7

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA
Canadians, for their part, recognize the economic importance of Asian countries. More Canadians agree that
Asia is important to their province’s economic prosperity
(46%) than disagree (37%). When respondents are asked to rate countries by their importance to Canada’s economic prosperity, they tend to view the Asian trade partners as more important than other emerging countries like Brazil,
Russia, and South Africa.

Canadians are hesitant to make policy changes to facilitate economic engagement with Asia
Although they acknowledge Asia’s importance, Canadians are reluctant to accept policy adjustments that could facilitate economic engagement with Asian countries. Fewer
Canadians agree that strengthening economic relations with Asia is a top foreign policy (37%) than disagree (46%).

Half of all Canadians (50%) disagree with providing incentives to encourage Canadian companies to set up operations in Asia; only 35% agree with that policy.
Canadians think Asia is important, but their support for policy engagement is weak.
That is striking when we compare Canadians’ support for engagement with Asia to their support for engagement with traditional trade partners. Take, for example, support for free trade agreements. The purpose of free trade agreements is to facilitate economic exchange by lowering tariff barriers and providing clear rules to govern the flow of goods and services. Over two-thirds (67%) of Canadians respond that they support the government signing free trade agreements in general. Strong majorities support free trade with the European Union (67%) and Australia (69%).

Support for free trade agreements: it all depends on the partner
2013

OPPOSE
17%

NA
20%

18%

27%

30%

30%

36%

37%

41%

40%

46%

NA

42%

37%

44%

SUPPORT

2013
69%

Australia

67%

European Union
56%

Japan
45%

Brazil

41%

South Korea

54%
46%
45%

South Africa

38%

NA

Southeast Asia

37%

44%

China

NA

49%

Turkey

“NA”: No data available
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

60%

38%

50%

55%

67%

India

45%

NA

NA

Russia

36%
30%
28%

42%
NA
NA

Base: All respondents : 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions
(select support/oppose for each of the countries)

NOP 2014 PG. 8

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA
Most Canadians are relatively wary of deals with Asian and other emerging countries. A Canada-China free trade deal has about half (36%) the support of a deal with
Australia, despite the fact that China is Canada’s secondlargest trading partner. Support for deals with India (38%),
South Korea (41%), and Southeast Asia (37%) are similarly low. Only a deal with Japan receives majority support
(56%). There is a large gap between our support for deals with traditional trading partners and with Asian partners.
Canadians’ support for free trade agreements is conditional on factors beyond perceived economic importance.
The disparity is also present when we examine Canadians’ support for investment from firms controlled by foreign governments. In general, Canadians are not enthusiastic about this form of investment, with under one-third (29%)

expressing support for investments from firms controlled by foreign governments. When specific countries are mentioned, support varies greatly. Almost half of Canadians support investment by firms owned by Great Britain (49%) and Australia (46%). There is distinctly less support for investment by firms owned or controlled by Asian countries.
For example, China and Malaysia have been two of the countries whose government-controlled firms have made large investments in Canada, but support for investment from firms owned by these countries is extremely low
(China: 14%; Malaysia: 11%). Over two-thirds of Canadians express opposition to such investments (China: 73%;
Malaysia: 69%).

Canadians are wary of state-controlled foreign enterprises owning a controlling stake in a major Canadian company

2013

OPPOSE

39%

37%

NA

40%

53%

49%

58%

56%

63%

63%

NA

66%

IN FAVOUR

2013
49%

The Government of Great Britain
The Government of Australia

46%

The Government of France

36%

The Government of Japan

30%

50%
NA
36%
31%

The Government of Brazil

19%

23%

The Government of South Korea

18%

NA

72%

69%

The Government of India

16%

17%

NA

68%

The Government of South Africa

15%

NA

The Government of China

14%

14%

76%
NA
NA
NA

73%
69%
76%
70%
“NA”: No data available
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

The Government of Malaysia

11%

NA

The Government of Russia

10%

NA

The Government of Turkey

10%

NA

Base: All respondents : 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.9 If a company, bank or investment fund controlled by a foreign government were trying to buy a controlling stake in a major Canadian company, how would you feel if the foreign government were: (in favour, opposed, don’t know)

NOP 2014 PG. 9

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA
Why are Canadians skeptical of engagement with Asia?
Through a comparative analysis of support for trade agreements and state-owned investment, we find that political and socio-cultural factors play an important role in shaping Canadians’ views of Asia. In particular, concerns about national security and political rights are important determinants of Canadians’ willingness to engage with

Asian countries. Economic concerns about wages and labour standards also have an important influence on public opinion; however, these concerns tend to shape
Canadians’ views about engagement with all countries. The findings have implication for policy-makers as they set the stage for an honest, informed dialogue about engagement with Asia.

ECONOMIC CONCERNS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Canadians are reluctant to engage with countries that do not have wages and labour standards similar to our own. Those who are concerned about wages and labour standards are skeptical about signing trade deals with
Asian and other emerging countries. Furthermore,
Canadians do not want to engage in such agreements if they feel other countries just want to take advantage of our resources and advanced technologies.

Canadians are worried about competing with low-wage countries Canadians worry about being taking advantage of and competing under conditions they consider unfair. Twothirds (66%) of Canadians agree with the statement “Foreign countries seeking closer economic ties with Canada are primarily interested in taking advantage of our natural resources and advanced technologies.” Over half (57%) agree that “Canada should only strengthen economic ties with countries that have labour standards and wages similar to, or better than, our own.”

presents support for free trade agreements by agreement and disagreement with the statement “Canada should only strengthen economic ties with countries that have labour standards and wages similar to, or better than, our own.”
Among Canadians who agreed with the statement, 33% supported free trade with China, 35% with India, and 39% with South Korea. Those who disagreed with the statement expressed significantly greater support for trade agreements, with 44% supporting a free trade agreement with China,
47% with India, and 50% with South Korea.

TABLE 1: Support for free trade by concern about wages and labour standards
Q:

Canada should only strengthen economic ties with countries that have labour standards and wages similar to, or better than, our own…
Prefer Ties with Similar-Wage
Countries

Economic Ties
Need Not Be Linked to Wages

% support for free trade with…

These concerns about competition with low-wage countries are strong when Asia is mentioned. Over fourfifths (82%) agree with the statement “The low cost of labour in Asia makes it difficult for Canadians to compete.”
Canadians also worry that the economic policies of Asian countries are undercutting Canadian businesses; 53% agree with the statement “State support for business in Asia provides an unfair advantage to Asian companies doing business in Canada.”

Australia

70%

73%

EU

69%

72%

Japan

55%

63%

Brazil

44%

51%

South Korea

39%

50%

South Africa

36%

46%

India

35%

47%

Southeast Asia

34%

47%

China

A relationship exists between economic concerns and support for economic engagement with Asia. Table 1

44%

27%

45%

Russia

Canadians who are worried about wages and labour standards are reluctant to engage with Asian and other emerging countries

33%

Turkey

26%

34%

Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions? (% support)

NOP 2014 PG. 10

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA
These concerns about labour standards and wages do not correlate with levels of support for free trade agreements with Western countries. For both Australia and the European
Union, the agree/disagree differential is only three percentage points. However, in the case of other emerging economies like South Africa, Turkey, and Brazil, there is also a large drop in free trade agreement support as concerns about wages and labour standards increase.

Canada are, in general, skeptical of all economic ties with all countries.

TABLE 2: Support for state-enterprise investment by worry about economic exploitation
Q:

Foreign Countries
Taking
Advantage

Those worried that foreign countries will take advantage of Canada are unwilling to engage in trade agreements with all countries, not just Asia
Canadians’ concerns about being taken advantage of shape their willingness to make trade pacts with Asian countries and accept investment from firms controlled by
Asian governments. However, those worried about being taken advantage of tend to be cool towards economic engagement with most countries, and this factor does little to explain the difference in support across countries.
Table 2 presents support for state-owned investment by agreement or disagreement with the statement “Foreign countries seeking closer economic ties with Canada are primarily interested in taking advantage of our natural resources and advanced technologies.” For all countries, those who disagree with the statement are more willing to accept state-owned investment than those who agree. For instance, the agree/disagree differential is eight points for
China, India, South Korea, and France. Those who worry that those foreign countries will take advantage of

Foreign countries seeking closer economic ties with Canada are primarily interested in taking advantage of our natural resources and advanced technologies…
Not Concerned
About
the Issue

% in favour of state-owned investment from…
UK

50%

55%

Australia

47%

51%

France

36%

44%

Japan

28%

40%

Brazil

18%

25%

South Korea

17%

25%

India

15%

23%

South Africa

15%

19%

China

13%

21%

Malaysia

10%

15%

Turkey

9%

15%

Russia

9%

14%

Q.9 If a company, bank or investment fund controlled by a foreign government were trying to buy a controlling stake in a major Canadian company, how would you feel if the foreign government were...? (% in favour)

SOCIO-CULTURAL CONCERNS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Canadians who are uneasy about foreign influence are more skeptical about the benefits of engaging economically with all countries, though they are particularly skeptical about engaging with emerging countries. There are at least two possible explanations for that. First, over two-thirds
(72%) of respondents identified themselves as being of
European descent, and that group may prefer to engage economically with countries they view as sharing their language and customs. Second, Canadians may be less comfortable engaging with Asian countries because they have less direct experience and familiarity with Asian countries. Canadians express concern about foreign influence
There are signs that Canadians are wary of that which they consider foreign. Well over half (60%) expressed agreement with the statement “These days, I'm afraid that our way of life is threatened by foreign influences.” This underlying unease with foreign influence can influence people’s openness to Asian cultures and Asian countries.
For instance, when asked if the provincial government should “Place more emphasis on teaching Asian languages in your province's schools,” a strong majority (61%) disagreed with the statement.
Part of the impression of cultural distance between
Canada and Asia may simply be a lack of exposure. According

NOP 2014 PG. 11

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA to APF Canada’s National Opinion Poll, only a small proportion of Canadians (16%) have ever lived in, worked in, or travelled to Asia. Those who are familiar with Asian cultures are much more likely to support their promotion.
Among those who have been exposed through working, living, or travelling in Asia, 63% agree with the statement that the government should “Place more emphasis on teaching about Asia in your province's education system.”
Among those who have not been exposed through work or travel, only 39% agree with the statement.

Among those agreeing with the statement about foreign influence, over one-third (35%) supported a free tree agreement with South Africa; of those who disagreed, just under half (47%) supported free trade with South Africa. The fear of foreign influence had the weakest relationship with support for free trade with Australia and the EU. The agree/disagree differential was only three points for Australia and four points for the EU.

TABLE 3: Support for free trade by concern about foreign influence

Canadians concerned about foreign influence are less likely to support engagement with Asia and other emerging countries Table 3 presents support for free trade with various countries broken down by agreement or disagreement with the question “These days, I'm afraid that our way of life is threatened by foreign influences.” For every country in the survey, support for free trade was lower among those expressing a fear of foreign influence. Only one-third (33%) of all respondents who agreed with the statement supported a free trade agreement with India; among those who disagreed with the statement, support was almost half (49%).
For South Korea, support for a free trade agreement among those expressing fear of foreign influence was 37%; among those unconcerned with foreign influence, there was majority (51%) support for a Canada-South Korea free trade agreement. Similar stories can be told of support for free trade with China, Southeast Asia, and Japan.
Support for free trade agreements with other emerging countries was similarly affected by a fear of foreign influence.

Q:

These days, I'm afraid that our way of life is threatened by foreign influences…
Worry about
Foreign Influence

Foreign Influence
Not a Worry

% support for free trade with…
Australia

70%

73%

EU

68%

72%

Japan

54%

64%

Brazil

43%

51%

South Korea

37%

51%

South Africa

35%

47%

India

33%

49%

Southeast Asia

33%

47%

China

31%

46%

Turkey

26%

38%

Russia

25%

35%

Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions? (% support)

CONCERNS ABOUT POLITICAL RIGHTS AND ECONOMIC TIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Canadians’ views on Asia are affected by their views on political rights. Those who want to strengthen ties only with democratic countries that have good human rights records are less likely to want to engage with Asian and other emerging countries. Most Canadians prefer to engage with countries that they believe share their political values, and many are willing to have economic policy in Asia respond to their concerns about political rights.

Most Canadians link concern for political rights and economic engagement
Three-quarters (75%) of respondents agreed with the statement “Canada should only strengthen economic ties with democratic countries that have a good human rights record.” These deeply held political values are reflected in views about engaging with Asia. Almost half (47%) of
Canadians disagree with the statement “We can't afford to stop doing business with or in Asian countries just because

NOP 2014 PG. 12

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA of human rights concerns.” The proportion of the population that agrees with that statement is lower (38%).

TABLE 4: Support for free trade by concern for human rights and democracy
Q:

Canada should only strengthen economic ties with democratic countries that have a good human rights record…

Canadians who link economic engagement to political rights are less likely to want to trade with Asian and other emerging countries
We see the link between economic engagement and political rights clearly when we examine support for trade with and investment from Asian countries, broken down by expressed concern for political rights.
Table 4 presents support for free trade agreements separated by agreement or disagreement with the statement
“Canada should only strengthen economic ties with democratic countries that have a good human rights record.”
For all Asian countries but Japan, support for free trade is distinctly lower among those who express a preference to strengthen economic ties only when a country has a strong record on human rights. For those who agree with the statement, only 35% support an agreement with China and only 37% support an agreement with India. Among those who disagree, support for economic ties with these countries is much higher, at 45% for China and 48% for India.
The relationship between a concern for political rights and willingness to engage economically with a country is not limited to Asia. Among those who link political rights and economic engagement there is strikingly low support for a free trade agreement with Russia (27%) and Turkey
(29%). In comparison, support for a free trade agreement with the EU is 70% among both groups of respondents.
Support for investment from state-owned enterprises follows a similar pattern, with those linking political rights and economic ties being the least likely to support investment from Asian and other emerging countries.

Ties Only With
Democracies

Ties Not Linked to Democracy

% support for free trade with…
Australia

72%

69%

EU

70%

70%

Japan

57%

61%

Brazil

45%

54%

South Korea

41%

49%

South Africa

38%

45%

India

37%

48%

Southeast Asia

36%

48%

China

35%

45%

Turkey

29%

40%

Russia

27%

36%

Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions? (% support)
TABLE 5: : Economic importance by concern for human rights and democracy
Q:

Canada should only strengthen economic ties with democratic countries that have a good human rights record…
Ties Only With
Democracies

Ties Not Linked to Democracy

% highly important…
US

77%

74%

EU

48%

45%

UK

42%

38%
44%

32%

34%

28%

29%

Australia

27%

23%

India

18%

26%

South Korea

Table 5 show the percentage of respondents who view a country as highly important to their economic prosperity broken down by their linking of political rights and economic ties. Those who link political rights and economic ties view emerging countries, particularly Asian countries, as less important to their prosperity. For those who agree with the statement, only 34% see China as highly important and only
18% see India as highly important. For those less concerned

34%

Japan
Mexico

Canadians who link economic engagement and political rights view Asian and other emerging countries as less important to their economic prosperity

China

12%

17%

Brazil

12%

12%

Southeast Asia

11%

17%

Russia

7%

12%

South Africa

6%

8%

Turkey

3%

5%

Q.6 How important are each of these countries or regions to Canada’s prosperity?
(High Importance= 6 or 7 on a scale of 7)

NOP 2014 PG. 13

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA with political rights, 44% view China as important and 26% view India as important. This is in stark contrast to Western partners like Australia and the United Kingdom. These

countries are rated as highly important to Canada’s economic future by respondents who also prefer to link economic ties to political rights.

CONCERNS ABOUT SECURITY AND ECONOMIC TIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Many Canadians view economic engagement with the rest of the world through the lens of national security.
Canadians are less willing to engage in economic relations with Asian and other emerging countries if they have security concerns over foreign control of the economy and/or they only want to strengthen ties with traditional allies.

(49%) support a free trade agreement with China. Of those who agree, only 37% support a free trade agreement with
India, while over half (51%) who disagree support such an agreement. The differentials for all other Asian countries are relatively high. By comparison, for Australia, the agree/disagree gap is only two percentage points.

Many Canadians link security and economic relations
Over two-thirds (69%) of Canadians agree with the statement “Foreign control of our economy threatens
Canada's national security.” While Canadians view foreign economic control of Canada’s economy as a security issue, they are split on whether we should limit our ties to allies only. Close to half (45%) of Canadians agree with the statement “To protect the security of Canada, we should strengthen ties with our traditional allies rather than building relations with a broader group of countries.” An almost equal percentage (46%) disagree with the statement.

TABLE 6: Support for free trade by concern about foreign control of the economy
Q:

Foreign control of our economy threatens Canada’s national security…
Foreign Control
Threatens Security

No Foreign Control
Security Threat

% support for free trade with…

Canadians worried that foreign control of the economy threatens national security are less willing to engage with
Asian and other emerging countries
Table 6 shows support for free trade by security concerns over foreign control of the economy, demonstrating the importance of this variable. Among those who agree with the statement “Foreign control of our economy threatens
Canada's national security,” one-third (34%) support free trade with China. Among those who disagree, almost half

72%

74%

EU

69%

74%

Japan

There are reasons security concerns about Asian countries could be particularly acute. A strong majority
(60%) of Canadians see China’s growing military power as a threat to the Asia Pacific region. Many anticipate military conflict in the region; fully 43% of Canadians agree that
“Outright military conflict between countries in the Asia
Pacific is likely in the next 10 years.” Although this is a decline since 2013 (52%), it is still significantly larger than the 27% of Canadians who disagree with the statement.

Australia

56%

67%

Brazil

45%

53%

South Korea

42%

50%

South Africa

38%

49%

India

37%

51%

Southeast Asia

37%

47%

China

34%

49%

Turkey

30%

36%

Russia

28%

36%

Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions?(% support)

Canadians who want closer ties with traditional allies are more willing to support economic engagement with
Western countries
Security concerns also influence the support for investment by state-owned companies. Table 7 shows the

NOP 2014 PG. 14

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA support for this form of investment broken down by agreement or disagreement with the statement “To protect the security of Canada, we should strengthen ties with our traditional allies rather than building relations with a broader group of countries.” For those agreeing with the statement, 29% expressed support for state-owned investment from Japan. That percentage rose to 35% among those who disagree with the statement. For most other Asian (and non-Asian) countries there is a similarly modest, positive differential.

TABLE 7: Support for state-enterprise investment by support for traditional allies
Q:

To protect the security of Canada, we should strengthen ties with our traditional allies rather than building relations with a broader group of countries …
Ties with
Traditional Allies

Ties with Broader
Group of Countries

% in favour of state-owned investment from…
UK

54%

49%

Australia

50%

46%

France

Among those agreeing with the statement, over half support investment by a state-owned UK company (54%) and half (50%) support such investment by an Australian company. Among those who disagree with the statement, support drops to 49% for a UK company and 46% for an
Australian company. A similar pattern exists when we examine support for free trade.

40%

36%

Japan

29%

35%

Brazil

20%

21%

South Korea

18%

20%

India

15%

19%

South Africa

15%

17%

China

15%

15%

Malaysia

10%

12%

Turkey

10%

12%

Russia

10%

11%

Q.9 If a company, bank or investment fund controlled by a foreign government were trying to buy a controlling stake in a major Canadian company, how would you feel if the foreign government were...? (% in favour)

CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Why is it that Canadians perceive Asia as important to their economic prosperity but are hesitant to take concrete policy steps to facilitate economic engagement? Our investigation has highlighted a few reasons, including economic anxiety about wages and labour standards, fear of perceived foreign influence, concern for political rights, and a strategic world-view that tends to privilege engagement with traditional allies.

Further statistical investigation
To identify which of these multiple factors best explains
Canadians’ opinions, we ran a series of statistical models that included both demographic and attitudinal variables.
We examined support for trade agreements and willingness to accept state-owned investments from each country. In addition, we looked at the factors associated with a disparity in support, where a respondent supported ties with

traditional trading partners but not with Asian or other emerging partners. A few findings are worth noting:
First, Canadian views on economic engagement are strongly associated with their views on security issues.
Canadians who view foreign control of the economy as a threat to national security are less willing to support trade agreements with Asian countries. Canadians who express favour for traditional allies tend to accept investment from state-owned firms controlled by Western countries but not from those controlled by Asian countries. For many
Canadians, economic engagement and security issues go hand in hand.
Second, concern for political rights is an important factor explaining the gap between support for Western and for emerging countries. Canadians who want to strengthen ties only with democratic countries tend to support

NOP 2014 PG. 15

EXPLAINING CANADIANS’ VIEWS ON ASIA engagement with commonly recognized democracies, like
Australia and Britain, but not with Asian and other emerging countries. Notably, those expressing a preference for strengthening ties with democracies only are less likely to support engagement even with South Korea and India,
Asian countries widely accepted as democratic.
Third, concerns about foreign influence are negatively associated with support for engaging with Asian and other emerging countries. In particular, these concerns are strongly associated with low support for state-owned investment from non-Western countries. However, the association tends to be strongest when the country is
China or India or is in Southeast Asia. For Japan and
South Korea, the association is either small or statistically insignificant. There could be a preference for engaging people who have similar language and customs or simply a lack of familiarity with other cultures. In any case, a feeling of cultural unease does correlate with low support for engagement with Asian countries.

assume that cultural bias is an unchanging, ingrained spoiler of Canadian attitudes toward Asia. Canadians are actually quite favourable toward Japan which, not coincidentally, is a nation with which Canada has a long history of significant cultural and economic interaction.
Increasing exchanges with all Asian countries and providing educational opportunities should make the region less
“foreign” over time.
Security and political rights issues require a number of responses. For democratic countries, providing accurate and up-to-date information on political rights is likely to ease resistance to closer ties. Furthermore, proponents of closer ties should keep in mind that Canadians do not strictly separate their opinions about economic engagement from other political and security priorities. It is vital that proponents of engagement explain how increasing economic exchanges between nations also furthers the pursuit of security and political rights goals.

Fourth, support for economic engagement with Asia is influenced by Canadians’ economic world-views. Those worried about labour standards and wages are hesitant to engage with any country, whether a traditional and or emerging trading partner. That concern about labour and wages explains some of the gap between support for trade deals with different countries, but it is less useful in explaining differences in support for state-owned investment.

Implications for Canada-Asia Relations
Canadian perceptions of Asia’s economic importance have slipped over the past year, but Canadians still tend to view the region as important to their prosperity, especially when compared to other emerging countries. This perceived importance does not translate directly into support for policy action, however. Our examination has exposed several non-economic factors that shape support for engagement with Asia, particularly security concerns, a preference for strengthening ties with countries considered to be democratic, and an underlying anxiety about foreign influence. It is important to recognize and respond to these underlying issues shaping public opinion.
Strategies will depend on the particular challenge. Anxiety about foreign influence is a factor, but there is no reason to

NOP 2014 PG. 16

SECTION 1: PERCEPTIONS OF ASIA


Canadians have “warmer” feelings for Western than for non-Western countries. Among Asian countries, Japan is regarded more positively than others, with over one-third (36%) having
“warm” feelings toward that country. South Korea (20%) is a distant second but well ahead of China (10%), India (12%), or Southeast Asia (14%). Of all Asian countries, Canadians have the least positive views of China, with 31% having “cool” feelings, just behind Russia (34%).



Canadians’ views of Asian countries tend to mirror those they hold of other non-Western countries, including Brazil (22% warm), and South Africa (15% warm).



Canadians are feeling more connected to the Asia Pacific than last year. Over one-fifth of
Canadians (22%) agree that Canada is part of the Asia Pacific region, up four percentage points in the past 12 months. It is, however, still fewer than the one-third (29%) who agreed in 2012.



A full third of Canadians think Canada is “more a part of” the Asia Pacific today than it was
10 years ago. Fewer than 1 in 10 think it is “less a part of the region.”



Over one-third of Canadians (37%) believe that economic and political relations with Asia should be Canada’s top foreign policy. However, this is a significant 14-point drop from their views in 2013 (51%).

NOP 2014 PG. 17

Little change in feelings of warmth toward Asian countries
WARM/FAVOURABLE RATING
(% of 8-10 on a scale of 10)

COLD/UNFAVOURABLE RATING
(% of 1-3 on a scale of 10)

2013

2010

2011

2012

3%

3%

2%

2%

NA

5%

5%

3%

10%

10%

10%

9%

9%

8%

9%

10%

11%

10%

11%

8%

NA

NA

NA

7%

24%

22%

21%

NA

NA

NA

NA

20%

20%

17%

17%

23%

23%

23%

21%

31%

29%

29%

31%

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

57%

NA

50%

48%

47%

43%

43%

39%

41%

36%

37%

31%

34%

28%

27%

NA

NA

NA

NA

16%

17%

13%

12%

15%

NA

NA

NA

NA

14%

14%

14%

11%

11%

14%

14%

12%

12%

10%

12%

9%

10%

Brazil

24%

63%

54%

Japan

NA

64%

United Kingdom

9%

2011

68%

Australia

5%

2012

67%

2013

3%

7%
6%

18%
14%
16%
23%

62%

United States

52%

France

42%
36%
22%

South Korea

20%

South Africa
Southeast Asia
India
China

31%

67%

12%
10%

2010

Russia

34%
20%

“NA”: No data available
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

8%

NA

NA

NA

NA

Turkey

7%

NA

NA

NA

NA

Base: All respondents: 2010 (n = 2,903), 2011 (n = 2,926), 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.1 Please rate your feelings towards some countries or regions, with ten meaning a very warm, favourable feeling, one meaning a very cold, unfavourable feeling, and five meaning not particularly warm or cold.
You can use any number from one to ten: the higher the number the more favourable your feelings are toward that country.

NOP 2014 PG. 18

British Columbia has the “warmest” feelings for Asian countries
Warm / favourable rating (% of 8-10 on a scale of 10)
BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO

QUEBEC

ATLANTIC

NORTH

Australia

68%

70%

69%

71%

70%

58%

65%

69%

United Kingdom

67%

65%

60%

67%

67%

50%

64%

70%

United States

48%

46%

48%

50%

52%

56%

55%

44%

France

40%

29%

30%

31%

38%

58%

35%

31%

Japan

43%

37%

32%

34%

37%

36%

30%

43%

Brazil

20%

19%

20%

23%

21%

27%

17%

29%

South Korea

25%

19%

16%

16%

19%

19%

15%

35%

South Africa

18%

11%

18%

15%

14%

15%

14%

15%

Southeast Asia

17%

16%

14%

13%

12%

15%

10%

17%

India

15%

11%

14%

13%

11%

13%

8%

27%

China

12%

7%

13%

10%

8%

14%

9%

8%

Turkey

7%

6%

13%

6%

7%

8%

6%

22%

Russia

8%

6%

6%

9%

7%

11%

7%

15%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.1: Please rate your feelings towards some countries or regions, with ten meaning a very warm, favourable feeling, one meaning a very cold, unfavourable feeling, and five meaning not particularly warm or cold. You can use any number from one to ten: the higher the number the more favourable your feelings are toward that country.

Ontario has the “coolest” feelings toward certain Asian countries
Cold / unfavourable rating (% of 1-3 on a scale of 10)
BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO

QUEBEC

ATLANTIC

NORTH

Russia

33%

31%

34%

33%

39%

29%

30%

39%

China

34%

30%

28%

33%

36%

23%

30%

41%

India

22%

22%

20%

18%

29%

17%

21%

6%

Turkey

20%

19%

17%

19%

22%

18%

21%

15%

South Korea

19%

18%

16%

15%

20%

17%

19%

8%

Southeast Asia

14%

15%

15%

14%

19%

13%

17%

19%

South Africa

13%

15%

12%

12%

17%

12%

13%

7%

Japan

9%

4%

9%

5%

10%

8%

10%

4%

Brazil

7%

5%

9%

5%

8%

7%

7%

0%

France

7%

7%

9%

6%

7%

4%

6%

7%

10%

6%

8%

9%

6%

6%

6%

6%

United Kingdom

United States

4%

1%

3%

3%

3%

5%

2%

0%

Australia

4%

1%

1%

0%

1%

3%

1%

0%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.1 Please rate your feelings towards some countries or regions, with ten meaning a very warm, favourable feeling, one meaning a very cold, unfavourable feeling, and five meaning not particularly warm or cold. You can use any number from one to ten: the higher the number the more favourable your feelings are toward that country.

NOP 2014 PG. 19

Proportion of Canadians who view Canada as a part of the
Asia Pacific region rebounds somewhat in 2014

50%

I consider Canada to be part of the Asia Pacific region (% Agree)

40%

30%
30%

29%

29%
26%
22%

20%

18%

10%

0%
2008

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

Base: All respondents: 2008 (n = 1,058), 2010 (n = 2,903), 2011 (n = 2,926), 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.2 Do you agree or disagree with the following statement: “I consider Canada to be part of the Asia Pacific region”?

NOP 2014 PG. 20

British Columbia most likely to consider Canada to be a part of the Asia Pacific region

I consider Canada to be part of the Asia Pacific region
62%

North*

17%

39%

BC

45%

44%

SK

19%

Ontario

19%

Quebec
Atlantic

20%

65%

17%
15%

16%

18%

Don’t Know

12%

19%

66%
Disagree

17%

16%

65%

Agree

17%

24%

61%

39%
19%

16%

58%

18%
46%

13%

61%

18%

MB

16%

43%

23%

Alberta



22%



Canada

% Agree 2013

16%

*caution small base size in North n = 54

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
Base: All respondents: 2013 (n = 3,474) ), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.2: Do you agree or disagree with the following statement: “I consider Canada to be part of the Asia Pacific region”?

Canadians, particularly those in British Columbia, see Canada as more a part of the Asia Pacific region today than it was 10 years ago

33%

Canada

8%

North*

56%

BC

29%

55%

7%
6%

36%

Alberta

29%

3%

21%

16%

21%

18%

31%

30%

SK

30%

8%

33%

29%

MB

31%

7%

33%

29%

Ontario

31%

30%

28%

Quebec

26%

Atlantic

28%
Agree

10%
8%
11%

Disagree

38%

29%
35%

Don’t Know

No Change

26%
*caution small base size in North n = 54

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
Base: All respondents: (n = 3,487)
Q.2 Do you think Canada is more a part of or less a part of the Asia Pacific region today compared to 10 years ago, or has Canada’s status in this regard not really changed over the past decade?

NOP 2014 PG. 21

Close to a third of Canadians paid more attention to Canada’s relations with Asia this year than in the past
Paid more or less attention to Canada’s relations with Asia this year versus in the past
% More 2013
Canada

8%

North*

4%

BC

7%

AB

8%

SK

56%

29%

47%

57%

34%

46%

33%

31%

47%

24%

31%

25%

26%

34%
(MB/SK
combined)

37%

38%

25%

35%

Respondents who answered “do not know” are excluded from these tables meaning totals may not add up to 100

28%

35%

*caution small base size in North n = 54

39%

50%
53%
57%

MB

7%

61%

ON

9%

56%

QC

6%

59%

ATL

8%

29%
24%

59%
Less

39%

39%

51%

13%

% More 2012

32%

26%

Same

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.5 Generally speaking, in the past year, would you say you’ve paid more attention or less attention to Canada’s relations with Asia than you have in the past?

More

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.

Decline in Asia’s importance as Canada’s top foreign policy priority

Strengthening economic and political relations with Asia should be Canada’s top foreign policy priority (% agree)
60%
55%
51%
50%

40%

37%

30%

20%

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013
Q.3 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?

10%

0%
2012

2013

2014

NOP 2014 PG. 22

SECTION 2: VIEWS OF CANADA-ASIA
ECONOMIC RELATIONS


Canadians are more likely to see traditional trading partners as important to Canada’s prosperity than emerging countries. Their view of the United States (74%) stands well above the others, unchanged from previous years. Views of the European Union (46%, up four points from 2013) and the United Kingdom (40%, up six points) have grown more positive over the past year. By way of contrast, only a third, or fewer, of Canadians consider any Asian country to be important to Canada’s prosperity. The list is headed by China (35%) and Japan (31%), followed by India (20%), South Korea (13%), and Southeast Asia (12%).



British Columbians rank the importance of China (41%), Japan (37%), India (25%), and
South Korea (16%) higher than any other province.



Canadians increasingly view the growth of China and India less as an opportunity than a threat. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a nine-point drop in Canadians who viewed a growing China more as an opportunity than a threat (from 50% to 41%) and a seven-point drop in those viewing India more as an opportunity than a threat (from 57% to 50%).



Canadians express strong concerns about labour and business practices in Asia. More than four-fifths (82%) agree that the low cost of labour in Asia makes it difficult for Canadians to compete. Over half (53%) agree that state support for business in Asia gives an unfair advantage to Asian companies doing business in Canada.



Support for free trade agreements with most Asian countries is highest in Alberta. It is the only province where a majority (52%) support a free trade deal with South Korea.

NOP 2014 PG. 23

British Columbia ranks Asian countries higher in importance for
Canada’s economy (percentage of 6 or 7 on a scale of 7)
CANADA

NORTH

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO

QUEBEC

ATLANTIC

United States

74%

94%

78%

71%

73%

66%

76%

72%

73%

European Union

46%

56%

45%

40%

42%

38%

45%

53%

42%

United Kingdom

40%

42%

38%

38%

38%

33%

46%

34%

42%

China

35%

49%

41%

38%

35%

31%

35%

31%

36%

Japan

31%

28%

37%

27%

29%

25%

32%

31%

30%

Mexico

27%

36%

24%

29%

29%

20%

24%

34%

24%

Australia

26%

29%

26%

21%

33%

27%

27%

26%

26%

India

20%

20%

25%

17%

20%

13%

21%

19%

15%

South Korea

13%

21%

16%

12%

10%

12%

13%

12%

11%

Southeast Asia

12%

13%

15%

16%

15%

10%

11%

11%

12%

Brazil

12%

7%

12%

9%

12%

12%

11%

16%

9%

Russia

8%

13%

7%

7%

8%

8%

8%

9%

8%

South Africa

6%

1%

6%

3%

8%

5%

6%

9%

8%

Turkey

4%

3%

4%

4%

4%

5%

3%

5%

5%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents: 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.6 How important are each of these countries or regions to Canada’s prosperity?

NOP 2014 PG. 24

Fewer Canadians view the growing economic power of China, India as more of an opportunity than a threat

70%
60%

(% Agree)
57%

54%
50%

50%

50%

48%
41%

40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
2012

2013

2014

2012

The growing importance of India as an economic power is more of an opportunity than a threat

2013

2014

The growing importance of China as an economic power is more of an opportunity than a threat

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.3 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?

Western provinces most likely to view India’s growth as an opportunity rather than threat
NORTH*
The growing importance of India as an economic power is more of an opportunity than a threat
The growing importance of China as an economic power is more of an opportunity than a threat

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

ATL

% Agree

73%

55%

56%

52%

45%

48%

50%

43%

% Disagree

27%

32%

31%

33%

41%

39%

32%

36%

% Agree

38%

41%

44%

48%

38%

39%

43%

40%

% Disagree

56%

47%

43%

39%

51%

49%

45%

45%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents: 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.3 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?

NOP 2014 PG. 25

Canadians are concerned about competing with low-cost labour, state-supported business in Asia
2013

DISAGREE

NA

43%

35%

58%

41%

Canada should provide economic incentives to encourage more Canadian companies to set up operations in Asia

50%

NA

47%

Canada would benefit from more Asian investment in the country

NA
NA

53%

The Canadian government should do more to facilitate trade and investment missions for Canadian companies to visit Asian countries

41%

“NA”: No data available
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

58%

State support for business in Asia provides an unfair advantage to Asian companies doing business in Canada

19%

28%

82%

It would be bad for Canadians if Asian countries surpassed us economically

25%

NA

2013

The low cost of labour in Asia makes it difficult for
Canadians to compete

9%

NA

37%

AGREE

50%

35%

44%

Base: All respondents: 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.7 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements on Canada’s economic relations with Asia?

Ontario and British Columbia more worried than other provinces about low wages, state support for business in Asia
NORTH*
Canada would benefit from more Asian investment in the country

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

ATL

It would be bad for Canadians if Asian countries surpassed us economically

The low cost of labour in Asia makes it difficult for
Canadians to compete

State support for business in Asia provides an unfair advantage to Asian companies doing business in Canada

43%

40%

38%

34%

41%

43%

34%

43%

46%

40%

47%

47%

44%

34%

41%

% Agree

21%

35%

36%

32%

31%

34%

42%

23%

% Disagree

69%

53%

49%

52%

54%

51%

42%

55%

% Agree

45%

51%

44%

47%

42%

47%

50%

41%

% Disagree

44%

36%

37%

35%

30%

36%

32%

38%

% Agree

50%

59%

54%

56%

53%

60%

61%

51%

40%

28%

29%

25%

27%

25%

22%

27%

% Agree

86%

86%

74%

74%

81%

84%

81%

77%

% Disagree

The Canadian government should do more to facilitate trade and investment missions for Canadian companies to visit Asian countries

50%

% Disagree

Canada should provide economic incentives to encourage more Canadian companies to set up operations in Asia

% Agree
% Disagree

11%

9%

15%

14%

9%

7%

10%

10%

% Agree

58%

60%

52%

49%

50%

58%

45%

45%

% Disagree

17%

17%

20%

21%

20%

15%

27%

18%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents: 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.7 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements on Canada’s economic relations with Asia?

NOP 2014 PG. 26

Quebec is the province most supportive of investment by stateowned foreign companies
Support for foreign direct investment in Canada by state-owned foreign companies
Canada

22%

28%

North*

34%

BC

27%

30%
23%

AB

28%

21%

22%
22%

33%

17%

28%

30%

MB

38%

32%

27%

SK

3%

17%

1%

1%
1%

2%

4%
Strongly Oppose

28%

ON

QC

8%

28%

24%

22%

44%

3%

4%

Moderately Oppose
Moderately Support
Strongly Support

ATL

25%

33%

18%

2%

*caution small base size in North n = 54

Base: All respondents: 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Respondents who answered “do not know” are excluded from these tables; therefore totals do not necessarily add up to 100.
Q.8 Do you support or oppose foreign direct investment in Canada by state-owned foreign companies?

NOP 2014 PG. 27

Investment by state-owned companies supported only if companies are from Great Britain or Australia; Atlantic Canadians least supportive of state-owned companies from Asia
CANADA

BC

% Agree

49%

64%

49%

48%

46%

47%

53%

45%

49%

% Disagree

37%

32%

41%

40%

39%

40%

36%

37%

38%

% Agree

46%

56%

42%

44%

48%

46%

48%

44%

43%

% Disagree

40%

40%

46%

42%

37%

39%

40%

37%

42%

% Agree

36%

34%

28%

29%

28%

29%

36%

50%

28%

% Disagree

49%

62%

57%

57%

55%

55%

51%

35%

56%

% Agree

30%

39%

28%

32%

23%

29%

31%

32%

22%

% Disagree

56%

58%

61%

55%

62%

58%

56%

50%

62%

% Agree

19%

26%

14%

17%

18%

19%

19%

24%

14%

% Disagree

63%

65%

67%

64%

62%

63%

65%

56%

67%

% Agree

18%

24%

19%

19%

18%

18%

19%

16%

14%

% Disagree

The government of Great Britain

NORTH*

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO

QUEBEC

ATLANTIC

66%

72%

67%

66%

66%

67%

67%

64%

67%

The government of Australia

The government of France

The government of Japan

The government of Brazil

The government of South Korea

% Agree

16%

25%

16%

16%

15%

20%

17%

15%

12%

% Disagree

69%

68%

72%

71%

67%

66%

71%

65%

71%

The government of India

% Agree

15%

22%

13%

13%

15%

19%

14%

19%

10%

% Disagree

68%

69%

70%

70%

66%

64%

70%

60%

73%

% Agree

14%

16%

14%

11%

13%

13%

15%

16%

11%

% Disagree

73%

78%

76%

77%

75%

74%

74%

68%

74%

% Agree

11%

18%

13%

9%

11%

14%

11%

9%

8%

% Disagree

69%

67%

68%

73%

67%

65%

70%

66%

73%

% Agree

10%

18%

7%

6%

10%

10%

10%

13%

7%

% Disagree

76%

78%

81%

81%

75%

76%

77%

69%

77%

% Agree

10%

17%

9%

8%

12%

11%

11%

11%

9%

% Disagree

70%

73%

74%

74%

67%

70%

70%

66%

74%

The government of South Africa

The government of China

The government of Malaysia

The government of Russia

The government of Turkey

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.

*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents: n = 3,487
Q.9 If a company, bank or investment fund controlled by a foreign government were trying to buy a controlling stake in a major Canadian company, how would you feel if the foreign government were…? (in favour, opposed, don’t know)

NOP 2014 PG. 28

Canadians support free trade agreements
General support for free trade agreements
Canada

17%

North*

BC

MB

14%

34%
14%

AB

SK

51%

46%

12%

12%

54%

21%

18%

7%

12%

55%

44%

50%

10%

10%

13%

1%

4%

11%

15%

7%
Strongly Support

ON

14%

47%

18%

8%

Moderately Support
Moderately Oppose

22%

QC

52%

13%

5%
Strongly Oppose

ATL

13%

56%

12%

6%

*caution small base size in North n = 54

Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Respondents who answered “do not know” are excluded from these tables; therefore totals to not necessarily add up to 100.
Q.9B Do you support or oppose the Canadian government entering into free trade agreements with other countries?

NOP 2014 PG. 29

Alberta tends to be more supportive than other provinces of free trade agreements
CANADA

BC

% Agree

69%

82%

68%

74%

68%

69%

68%

69%

66%

% Disagree

17%

13%

20%

11%

17%

16%

18%

15%

18%

% Agree

67%

79%

67%

69%

61%

63%

65%

73%

64%

% Disagree

Australia

NORTH*

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO

QUEBEC

ATLANTIC

18%

14%

19%

14%

22%

20%

21%

13%

18%

EU

% Agree

56%

66%

57%

64%

57%

53%

55%

56%

52%

% Disagree

30%

25%

31%

21%

27%

30%

32%

29%

31%

Japan

% Agree

45%

59%

41%

51%

41%

43%

41%

50%

42%

% Disagree

36%

30%

39%

29%

38%

37%

39%

32%

36%

% Agree

41%

66%

41%

52%

41%

41%

41%

37%

36%

% Disagree

41%

25%

42%

31%

38%

41%

43%

43%

45%

% Agree

38%

58%

41%

44%

37%

37%

36%

38%

36%

% Disagree

46%

34%

46%

41%

44%

44%

49%

44%

47%

% Agree

38%

47%

39%

46%

40%

37%

36%

37%

39%

% Disagree

42%

39%

42%

35%

39%

42%

45%

43%

42%

% Agree

37%

54%

40%

47%

37%

33%

34%

37%

34%

% Disagree

44%

32%

43%

34%

43%

46%

47%

43%

46%

% Agree

36%

45%

36%

42%

41%

30%

32%

40%

34%

% Disagree

50%

46%

52%

44%

44%

54%

54%

46%

50%

% Agree

30%

43%

32%

34%

31%

26%

28%

29%

32%

% Disagree

49%

36%

47%

44%

43%

51%

52%

48%

47%

% Agree

28%

53%

29%

29%

30%

25%

26%

31%

26%

% Disagree

55%

39%

55%

52%

50%

57%

59%

50%

56%

Brazil

South Korea

India

South Africa

Southeast Asia

China

Turkey

Russia

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54

Base: All respondents: n = 3,487
Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions?
(select support/oppose for each of the countries)

NOP 2014 PG. 30

SECTION 3: PROVINCIAL PERSPECTIVES ON
CANADA-ASIA RELATIONS


Overall, Canadians are less convinced today of Asia’s importance for their province’s prosperity than they were a year ago (down nine points from 55% in 2013 to 46% in 2014); that continues a decline from a high of 61% in 2012. While a majority of British Columbians (73%) and Albertans (55%) consider Asia important, far fewer people in Manitoba (35%), Ontario
(43%), Quebec (41%), and the Atlantic provinces (28%) share that sentiment.



Support for provincial policies promoting closer ties with Asia has also fallen. While a majority of British Columbia (56%) residents back the opening of trade offices in Asia, fewer do so in the rest of the country. Support for trade offices reaches a low of 35% in the Atlantic provinces. Moreover Canadians in all provinces have become less supportive of this idea, the greatest decline being among Ontarians (14 points, 57% in 2013 to 43% in 2014) and
Manitobans (11 points, 51% to 40%).



Majorities in all provinces are in favour of their provincial governments encouraging cultural exchanges with Asia through performing arts and other exhibitions. Canadians in all provinces are quite opposed to placing more emphasis on teaching Asian languages in their province’s schools, with about 6 in 10 against the idea in most provinces. Support for all social and cultural policies has also declined significantly in the past 12 months.

NOP 2014 PG. 31

Belief in importance of Asia to provincial prosperity is in decline
Would you say that Asia is important or not important for your province’s prosperity?

AB
SK

18%

9%

31%

QC
ATL

49%

54%

74%

78%

61%

72%

52%

-

44%

-

57%

57%

49%

59%

33%

45%

48%
15%

35%

21%

41%

47%

55%
15%

36%

47%

73%
14%

37%

61%

61%

9%

MB
ON

46%

55%



30%

North*
BC

17%

➝ ➝

37%



Canada

% Important
2012
2013

43%

18%

41%
18%

28%

Don’t Know
Important
*caution small base size in North n = 54
Not Important
Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.11 Generally speaking, would you say that Asia is important or not important for your province’s prosperity?
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.
% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.

NOP 2014 PG. 32

Canadians reluctant to embrace trade and investment policies to strengthen ties with Asia

38%

53%

28%

45%

Open provincial trade offices in Asia

Give priority to investment from Asian countries in your province

62%

2013



59%

SUPPORT



31%

OPPOSE



2013

23%

Base: All respondents: 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.12 Would you support or oppose your provincial government doing each of the following to build stronger ties with Asia?
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

British Columbia and Quebec are more supportive than other provinces of action to strengthen economic ties with Asia
NORTH*

Give priority to investment from Asian countries in your province

% Agree

40%

56%

50%

45%

40%

43%

43%

35%

% Disagree

Open provincial trade offices in Asia

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

49%

28%

36%

36%

43%

38%

39%

42%

% Agree

12%

24%

20%

17%

16%

21%

31%

17%

% Disagree

82%

62%

67%

61%

69%

65%

53%

63%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.12 Would you support or oppose your provincial government doing each of the following to build stronger ties with Asia?

NOP 2014 PG. 33

ATL

Canadians continue to support some provincial government policy actions in culture and education, but support declines


61%

50%

31%

65%

Encourage cultural exchanges through performing arts and other exhibitions

Increase the number of student exchanges and university agreements between your province and Asia

53%

Place more emphasis on teaching about Asia in your province's education system
(e.g. history, culture, etc.)

Place more emphasis on teaching Asian languages in your province's schools

59%



58%

45%

71%



40%

34%

2013



30%

23%

SUPPORT



20%



OPPOSE



2013

43%

28%

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.12 Would you support or oppose your provincial government doing each of the following to build stronger ties with Asia?
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

Quebec more supportive of student exchanges than other provinces,
British Columbia most supportive of Asian-language education
NORTH*
% Agree

77%

66%

69%

62%

60%

64%

66%

59%

% Disagree

Encourage cultural exchanges through performing arts and other exhibitions

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

ATL

17%

22%

23%

26%

29%

25%

21%

26%

Place more emphasis on teaching about Asia in your province's education system (e.g. history, culture, etc.)

Place more emphasis on teaching Asian languages in your province's schools

% Agree

58%

52%

54%

51%

51%

48%

60%

58%

% Disagree

17%

37%

36%

34%

38%

39%

27%

28%

% Agree

42%

45%

47%

40%

41%

42%

39%

47%

% Disagree

Increase the number of student exchanges and university agreements between your province and Asia

52%

43%

43%

44%

44%

47%

47%

40%

% Agree

18%

38%

29%

21%

25%

26%

27%

26%

% Disagree

78%

52%

61%

66%

63%

63%

61%

59%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.

*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.12 Would you support or oppose your provincial government doing each of the following to build stronger ties with Asia?

NOP 2014 PG. 34

SECTION 4: CANADA-ASIA ENERGY RELATIONS


Canadians are increasingly of the view that on energy matters, Canada should give priority to our relations with the United States rather than venturing into Asia too quickly. A majority
(54%) of the population now holds this view compared to 49% in 2013.



The Canadian population remains divided in its views of building pipelines to move crude oil
(43% support vs. 42% opposed). There is more support for building pipelines to move natural gas to ports on the west coast for export to Asia (49% support vs. 35% opposed). However, support for natural gas pipelines has dropped five points in the past 12 months, from 54% in
2013 to 49% in 2014.



Canadian public opinion is also split on whether tankers carrying natural gas should be allowed to enter west coast waters (40% support vs. 44% oppose). There is less support for allowing tankers carrying crude oil (37% support vs. 48% oppose). These figures have changed very little over the past year.



Canadians are not convinced that the economic benefits of exporting oil and liquid natural gas to Asia outweigh the environmental risks associated with transporting these commodities.
A majority (54%) believe that the environmental risks outweigh the economic benefits, up from 51% in 2013.



Canadian’s are open to the practice of consulting with First Nations communities on energy issues. Almost half of Canadians (46%) think First Nations consent should be a prerequisite for the development of energy resources for export to Asia. More than one-third (35%) disagree with the idea. This pattern remains unchanged from 2013.

NOP 2014 PG. 35

Canadians remain divided on transportation of energy resources
2013

DISAGREE

SUPPORT

35%

Build pipeline capacity to facilitate the movement of natural gas to ports on Canada's west coast

38%

35%

Not allowing the development of energy resources for export to Asia to proceed until affected First Nations communities give their approval



32%

2013

42%

42%

48%

43%

44%

48%

Build pipelines to facilitate the movement of crude oil to ports on Canada's west coast for export to Asia

Allow tankers carrying liquefied natural gas to enter the waters off Canada's west coast

Allow tankers carrying crude oil to enter the waters off Canada's west coast

49%

46%

54%

46%

42%

45%

40%

42%

37%

37%

Base: All respondents: 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.13 Would you support or oppose the Canadian government taking each of the following actions for pursuing opportunities with Asian countries in the energy sector?
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

NOP 2014 PG. 36

Canadians increasingly believe risks to environment of transporting oil and gas to Asia may not be worth the potential economic benefits

DISAGREE

31%

2012



54%

AGREE

2013

51%

47%



Potential risks to environment of transporting oil and gas to Asia outweigh potential economic benefits

34%

39%

Base: All respondents : 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.14 Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries in the energy sector.
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

Increasingly, Canadians want to turn to the United States on energy matters; more hesitant to move too quickly into Asia

DISAGREE

2012



AGREE

2013

49%

43%



In all things related to energy, our relationship with the United States is the most important; we shouldn’t venture too quickly into Asia (% agree)

37%

44%

54%

32%

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.14 Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries in the energy sector.
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change

NOP 2014 PG. 37

Albertans more in favour of transporting energy exports to Asia; less hesitant to embrace Asia and move away from U.S.
NORTH*

BC

% Agree

53%

47%

37%

50%

56%

57%

59%

55%

% Disagree

41%

41%

50%

38%

30%

29%

24%

29%

Build pipeline capacity to facilitate the movement of natural gas to ports on Canada's west coast

% Support

68%

48%

68%

56%

48%

47%

48%

41%

% Oppose

26%

43%

20%

29%

37%

38%

35%

38%

The potential risks to the environment of transporting oil and gas to Asia outweigh the potential economic benefits (e.g. jobs, economic development, etc.)

% Agree

35%

58%

39%

45%

50%

57%

55%

50%

% Disagree

60%

32%

46%

39%

31%

27%

26%

34%

Not allowing the development of energy resources for export to Asia to proceed until affected First Nations communities give their approval

% Support

54%

44%

33%

37%

42%

52%

48%

43%

% Oppose

40%

40%

49%

44%

42%

33%

28%

35%

Build pipelines to facilitate the movement of crude oil to ports on Canada's west coast for export to Asia

% Support

60%

39%

64%

51%

44%

39%

40%

38%

% Oppose

35%

53%

24%

34%

43%

46%

41%

44%

% Support

54%

43%

51%

41%

39%

37%

38%

35%

% Oppose

33%

47%

31%

42%

46%

47%

44%

46%

% Support

50%

31%

50%

42%

33%

33%

41%

31%

% Oppose

45%

61%

35%

44%

51%

51%

43%

50%

In all things related to energy, our relationship with the United States is the most important; we shouldn’t venture too quickly into Asia

Allow tankers carrying liquefied natural gas to enter the waters off Canada's west coast

Allow tankers carrying crude oil to enter the waters off Canada's west

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54
Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.13 Would you support or oppose the Canadian government taking each of the following actions for pursuing opportunities with Asian countries in the energy sector?

NOP 2014 PG. 38

ATL

SECTION 5: PROMOTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN ASIA


Canadians are evenly divided in their views of whether or not the human rights situation in China today is better than it was 10 years ago. 39% believe the situation has improved,
37% disagree.



While views on the progress in China’s human rights record remain unchanged from 2013, the five-year trend line shows a steady drop in the optimism among the Canadian public that
China’s human rights record is improving (from 47% in 2010 to 39% in 2014).



Canadians also tend to link commerce and human rights concerns. Over one-third (38%) of
Canadians believe that Canada can't afford to stop doing business with or in Asian countries just because of human rights concerns. Almost one-half (47%) disagree.

NOP 2014 PG. 39

Canadians are becoming less convinced that the human rights situation in China is improving
DISAGREE

AGREE
39%

37%

40%

33%
The human rights situation in China today is better than it was 10 years ago

33%

42%
45%

35%

47%

30%

We can't afford to stop doing business with or in Asian countries just because of human rights concerns

47%
48%

2014

2013

2012

2011

38%
39%

2010

2014

2013

2012

2011

Base: All respondents: 2010 (n = 2,903), 2011 (n = 2,926), 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.15 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about
Canada’s relations with Asian countries in the area of human rights?

Atlantic Canadians most likely to link commerce with human rights concerns
NORTH*

We can't afford to stop doing business with or in Asian countries just because of human rights concerns

% Agree

49%

43%

37%

42%

36%

39%

40%

37%

% Disagree

The human rights situation in China today is better than it was 10 years ago

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

44%

40%

38%

31%

40%

37%

37%

36%

% Agree

42%

40%

41%

39%

36%

36%

42%

31%

% Disagree

55%

52%

43%

46%

52%

48%

42%

53%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54

Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.15 For each of the statements below, please state if you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, strongly disagree or don’t know.

NOP 2014 PG. 40

ATL

2010

SECTION 6: CANADA-ASIA SECURITY ISSUES


Compared to a year ago, fewer Canadians now think there’s a chance of outright military conflict between countries in the Asia Pacific region within the next 10 years (43% in 2014 compared to 52% in 2013). That is despite the fact that a solid majority of Canadians (60%) continue to believe China’s growing military power is a threat to peace in the Asia Pacific.



In line with the overall perception of a safer Asia, the proportion of Canadians who believe that military conflicts in the Asia Pacific directly affect our security dropped from a high of
55% in 2013 to 48% in 2014. Though this view is still held by half the population, Canadians’ willingness to engage militarily in the Asian arena through regional security initiatives has also declined 10 points over the past 12 months (from 41% in 2013 to 31% in 2014).



In most provinces, a majority of respondents think that Canadian security is affected by conflicts in the Asia Pacific. But only 38% in Quebec and 44% in Saskatchewan agree with that view.

NOP 2014 PG. 41

Canadians see fewer security problems in the Asia Pacific; still worry about China’s growing military power
2013

DISAGREE




48%

Outright military conflict between countries in the Asia Pacific is likely in the next 10 years

27%

43%

Canada should increase its participation in regional security initiatives in Asia

45%

31%

55%

52%



39%

Military conflicts in the Asia Pacific directly affect Canadian security

30%

61%



22%

60%



27%

2013

China's growing military power is a threat to the Asia Pacific region

19%



20%

AGREE

41%

Base: All respondents : 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.17 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?
Arrows indicate statistically significant year-on-year change.

British Columbia is optimistic about peace in Asia Pacific; Quebec does not agree that such a regional conflict affects Canadian security
NORTH*
67%

60%

56%

66%

59%

62%

58%

62%

23%

22%

21%

14%

20%

17%

20%

17%

% Agree

60%

55%

50%

44%

51%

51%

38%

52%

% Disagree

Military conflicts in the Asia Pacific directly affect
Canadian security

% Agree
% Disagree

China's growing military power is a threat to the
Asia Pacific region

BC

ALBERTA

SK

MB

ONTARIO QUEBEC

ATL

29%

28%

31%

30%

28%

28%

35%

25%

Canada should increase its participation in regional security initiatives in Asia

% Agree

60%

37%

41%

45%

42%

45%

42%

45%

% Disagree

Outright military conflict between countries in the
Asia Pacific is likely in the next 10 years

29%

36%

30%

22%

28%

25%

27%

22%

% Agree

44%

37%

32%

31%

29%

29%

32%

25%

% Disagree

43%

42%

44%

42%

45%

47%

44%

47%

% is higher than other province(s) and statistically significant.
% is lower than other province(s) and statistically significant.
*caution: small base size in North n = 54

Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.17 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?

NOP 2014 PG. 42

SECTION 7: DEMOGRAPHIC FINDINGS


Recent declines in Canadians views about the economic importance of Asia and support for policy engagement have been sharpest among older Canadians.



Since 2012, there has been a nine-point drop among younger Canadians (18-29) who view
China as highly important to Canada’s prosperity (from 50% to 41%). Among older Canadians
(55+), there has been a 19-point drop (51% to 32%).



Similarly, older Canadians’ agreement that Asia is a foreign policy priority has dropped
23 points since 2012 (62% to 39%). Among younger Canadians (18-29), the drop was only
6 points (48% to 42%).



This could be due to shifts in attention given to Canada-Asia relations. In 2012, more than half
(52%) of older Canadians said they paid more attention to Canada’s relations with Asia than they had in the past. In 2014, only 35% of older Canadians said they paid more attention than in the past. In contrast, there has been no significant shift in the attention that younger people have paid to Canada-Asia relations.



Men and those with higher levels of education view Asian countries as more important to
Canada’s prosperity, are more supportive of free trade with Asian countries, and are more supportive of investment by state-owned firms.

NOP 2014 PG. 43

China’s perceived importance dropped more among older Canadians
60%

50%

China is highly important to Canada’s prosperity (% 6 or 7 on a scale of 7)
51%

50%
45%

44%

46%

45%
43%
41%

41%
40%

36%
32%

32%
30%

20%

10%

2012

0%
18-29

30-39

40-54

2013

2014

55+

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487
Q.6 How important are each of these countries or regions to Canada’s prosperity?

Drop in view of Asia as a top foreign policy priority greatest among older Canadians
70%

Strengthening economic and political relations with Asia should be Canada's top foreign policy priority (% agree)
62%

60%
53%
50%

49%

48%

54%

51% 52%

45%
42%
39%

40%
35%

34%

30%

20%

10%

2012

0%
18-29

30-39

40-54

55+

Base: All respondents: 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.3 Do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about Canada’s relations with Asian countries?

NOP 2014 PG. 44

2013

2014

Decline in paying attention to Canada-Asia relations greatest among older Canadians
60%

Paid more attention to Canada’s relations with Asia this year than in the past (%)
52%

50%

40%

38%

36%

35%

34%
31% 31%
30%

30%

30%
26%

25%
22%
20%

10%

2012

0%
18-29

30-39

40-54

2013

2014

55+

Base: All respondents : 2012 (n = 3,129), 2013 (n = 3,474), 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.5 Generally speaking, in the past year, would you say you’ve paid more attention or less attention to Canada’s relations with Asia than you have in the past?

NOP 2014 PG. 45

NOP 2014 PG. 46

17%

32%

41%

Post-Secondary
Credential

High School or Less
Some PostSecondary

16%

16%

23%

28%

35%

46%

34%

33%

29%

26%

38%

32%

34%

30%

26%

Japan

16%

13%

11%

7%

18%

14%

12%

13%

11%

South Korea

16%

13%

10%

10%

15%

12%

13%

11%

14%

SE Asia

Base: All respondents: 2014 (n = 3,487)
Q.6 How important are each of these countries or regions to Canada’s prosperity?

% is lower than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

% is higher than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

20%

31%

Female

EDUCATION

29%

Male

GENDER

55+

18%

36%

40 – 54

24%

32%

30 – 39

24%

41%

India

18 – 29

AGE

China

58%

48%

39%

41%

51%

50%

47%

44%

40%

EU

40%

42%

38%

38%

42%

50%

39%

32%

33%

UK

80%

76%

70%

70%

78%

83%

75%

69%

62%

US

21%

26%

28%

24%

28%

35%

27%

18%

17%

Australia

Percentage who feel country is important to Canada’s prosperity

8%

7%

9%

7%

9%

7%

10%

6%

8%

Russia

15%

12%

11%

10%

14%

15%

11%

12%

9%

Brazil

6%

6%

7%

6%

7%

7%

10%

8%

5%

South Africa

5%

4%

4%

4%

4%

2%

4%

6%

4%

Turkey

34%

27%

24%

22%

32%

30%

26%

28%

22%

Mexico

NOP 2014 PG. 47

39%

37%

41%

Post-Secondary
Credential

High School or Less
Some PostSecondary
31%

30%

46%

51%

38%

43%

69%

61%

48%

45%

68%

61%

54%

55%

52%

Japan

55%

44%

33%

28%

54%

42%

40%

44%

37%

South Korea

50%

40%

30%

29%

46%

42%

40%

44%

37%

SE Asia

Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions (select support/oppose for each of the countries)

% is lower than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

% is higher than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

40%

32%

Female

EDUCATION

31%

Male

GENDER

55+

36%

36%

40 – 54

40%

35%

30 – 39

38%

35%

India

18 – 29

AGE

China

79%

71%

60%

59%

76%

74%

67%

65%

58%

EU

Percentage who support free trade agreement with countries

79%

73%

62%

61%

77%

79%

67%

65%

57%

Australia

36%

29%

24%

21%

35%

30%

26%

33%

24%

Russia

57%

47%

38%

36%

54%

48%

43%

47%

41%

Brazil

54%

41%

29%

31%

46%

41%

36%

40%

35%

South Africa

41%

29%

25%

24%

36%

29%

27%

33%

33%

Turkey

NOP 2014 PG. 48

16%

14%

17%

Post-Secondary
Credential

High School or Less
Some PostSecondary
15%

11%

21%

21%

12%

15%

36%

31%

27%

21%

40%

32%

26%

29%

37%

Japan

23%

17%

16%

10%

26%

17%

15%

19%

24%

South Korea

15%

10%

10%

7%

15%

8%

9%

13%

15%

Malaysia

Base: All respondents (n = 3,487)
Q.9 If a company, bank or investment fund controlled by a foreign government were trying to buy a controlling stake in a major Canadian company, how would you feel if the foreign government were:
(in favour, opposed, don’t know)

% is lower than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

% is higher than other population group(s) and statistically significant.

15%

16%

Female

EDUCATION

11%

Male

GENDER

55+

12%

13%

40 – 54

17%

11%

30 – 39

22%

21%

India

18 – 29

AGE

China

49%

49%

42%

40%

51%

50%

41%

44%

46%

Australia

40%

38%

34%

33%

40%

36%

33%

39%

42%

France

51%

52%

47%

44%

54%

57%

45%

45%

49%

UK

8%

8%

12%

7%

14%

10%

9%

9%

14%

Russia

24%

19%

17%

13%

25%

19%

17%

21%

20%

Brazil

Percentage who support investment by state-owned enterprises from different countries

21%

16%

12%

10%

20%

17%

14%

15%

14%

South Africa

14%

9%

10%

7%

14%

8%

10%

11%

15%

Turkey

APPENDIX: READING THE TABLES

Dividing the Sample:
We divide our sample on the basis of a respondent’s answer to the question in this cell. Those agreeing with the question are placed in the “Prefer Ties with Similar Wage
Countries” column, those disagreeing in the
“Economic Ties Need Not
Be Linked to Wages” column. Reading the Tables:
We chose this presentation format because it allows us to present a large quantity of data in a limited space. We provided this additional tutorial to help access the results.

TABLE 1: Support for free trade by concern about wages and labour standards
Q:

Canada should only strengthen economic ties with countries that have labour standards and wages similar to, or better than, our own…
Prefer Ties with Similar-Wage
Countries

Economic Ties
Need Not Be Linked to Wages

% support for free trade with…
Australia

Defining the Result:
This cell indicates the result displayed in the table. Results are displayed by country.

70%

73%

EU

69%

72%

Japan

55%

63%

Brazil

44%

51%

South Korea

39%

“Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade
Agreement with each of the following countries or regions”?

Among respondents who want to strengthen ties only with countries that have similar wages and labour standards, 39% support a free trade agreement with South
Korea.

50%

South Africa

36%

46%

India

35%

47%

Southeast Asia

34%

47%

China

33%

44%

Turkey

In this case, it is the percentage answering
“support” to the question:

Example #1

27%

45%

Russia

26%

34%

Q.10 Do you support or oppose Canada entering into a Free Trade Agreement with each of the following countries or regions? (% support)

NOP 2014 PG. 49

Example #2
Among respondents who do not link economic ties with labour standards and wages, 44% support a free trade agreement with
China.

220 - 890 West Pender Street,
Vancouver, BC V6C 1J9
Tel: 604.684.5986 Fax: 604.681.1370
Email: info@asiapacific.ca www.asiapacific.ca

Similar Documents

Premium Essay

Nvp Coast for Life

...Appendices, and 9. Any footnotes. Coast4Life Cruises Business Case Analysis Business Case Analysis Introduction Coast4Life Inc. was incorporated federally on June 3, 2000, and is in the business of offering ocean cruises along the Canadian west coast, with stops at interesting ports of call in British Columbia. The business has a September 30 year end. In 2007, the original owners sold all their Coast4Life shares to the senior management group. Between 2001 and 2010, the company grew steadily from 135 to 574 employees and from $9.4 million to more than $55.7 million in revenue. Vision Coast4Life will be the first choice for vacationers who are seeking a safe, enjoyable and unique cruise experience in the northeastern Pacific Ocean. Mission Coast4Life meets the needs of North American vacationers by offering safe, enjoyable and unique cruises along the coast of British Columbia at affordable prices and at a high-quality level of service. Coast4Life also strives to minimize the effects of cruising on the ecology along the BC coast and maximize the safety of customers, staff and marine life by ensuring that the ships used are well maintained and that environmental and safety regulations are not only met, but exceeded. Quantitative analysis The main revenues in the Coast4Life are generated for the most...

Words: 890 - Pages: 4

Free Essay

“Why Byzantine Economy Remained One of the Most Powerful in Europe Through Early Middle Ages?”

...for many centuries. Both local and international trade were of huge importance for the Byzantine Empire. Lower class, including traders, depended on the upper class. Their need of the foreign goods in order to stay in Local trade was much less popular. Throughout the fourth and sixth centuries, long-distance trade was operating successfully, until the plague appeared, which killed around one-third of the citizens in the Byzantine Empire, and ruined the trade networks. The Byzantine economy had recovered in the tenth century, and Italian merchants contributed to its steady growth in the Mediteranian through the tenth and eleventh centuries (Katz 27-39). To begin, the decades of instability as well as foreign invasions mostly by Germanic tribes, led to an establishment of a new military, political, and administrative framework under Diocletian (284-305), and Constantine I, which also led to a new economic power in Byzantine and Constantinopole. From 395 to 476, the Empire was in a big crisis until the Germans left the territory. Emperor Justinian I provided the growth of the economy, but also the growth period ended with the “Justinian Plague” that broke out in Egypt in 542, and reduced the population in all provinces of the empire. The “Justinian Plague” continued until the 8th century. At the same time, political disadvantage occurred with the warfare against Sasanian Persia in 6th and 7th century, which had a really bad impact on Byzantine economy. In the 7th century, after the...

Words: 2055 - Pages: 9

Free Essay

Byzantine Empire Economy

...for many centuries. Both local and international trade were of huge importance for the Byzantine Empire. Lower class, including traders, depended on the upper class. Their need of the foreign goods in order to stay in Local trade was much less popular. Throughout the fourth and sixth centuries, long-distance trade was operating successfully, until the plague appeared, which killed around one-third of the citizens in the Byzantine Empire, and ruined the trade networks. The Byzantine economy had recovered in the tenth century, and Italian merchants contributed to its steady growth in the Mediteranian through the tenth and eleventh centuries (Katz 27-39). To begin, the decades of instability as well as foreign invasions mostly by Germanic tribes, led to an establishment of a new military, political, and administrative framework under Diocletian (284-305), and Constantine I, which also led to a new economic power in Byzantine and Constantinopole. From 395 to 476, the Empire was in a big crisis until the Germans left the territory. Emperor Justinian I provided the growth of the economy, but also the growth period ended with the “Justinian Plague” that broke out in Egypt in 542, and reduced the population in all provinces of the empire. The “Justinian Plague” continued until the 8th century. At the same time, political disadvantage occurred with the warfare against Sasanian Persia in 6th and 7th century, which had a really bad impact on Byzantine economy. In the 7th century, after the...

Words: 2055 - Pages: 9

Premium Essay

Descriptive Essay

...Mary Ann Bellinger Eng 121 Instructor McKoy -Taylor Descriptive essay My First Cruise I remember like it was yesterday the year I decided to take my first vacation without the kids. My fiancé and I went on a week long cruise to Mexico. Neither one of us had ever been on a cruise so it was a new experience for the both of us. We needed to be in New Orleans for departure so we drove the six hours from Jonesboro, Arkansas to New Orleans, Louisiana. My fiancé and I used this time to talk, make plans for the future and fantasize about our week away from the kids and work. We left before the sun was fully up when the sky is blue with fluffy white clouds and not a sign of rain anywhere not to mention Hurricane Irene. We enjoyed the night on bourbon street eating famous Louisiana gumbo and poor boy sandwiches, drinking wine and sight seeing. We rode the trolley through the famous garden district. We walked the pier where we to board our cruise ship. There was so many cruise ships docked there some were coming in others were waiting to depart. The boarding of cruise ships takes as long as boarding an airplane. First you have to check in then go to your boarding area. Then you have to go through customs and check your luggage that is not seen again until you arrive at your cabin where it will be waiting for you. From there everyone is to meet at the emergency exits to hear the proper procedures to follow in case of an emergency. After the brief introduction...

Words: 683 - Pages: 3

Free Essay

Cloud Computing

...Assignment Porter’s five force |Suppliers power |For stubing enterprises the key suppliers are the cruise manufactures, as there are not many | | |manufactures in cruise business. The power is in suppliers side, so if they increase their cost | | |of ship and other facilities. It would be a problem for the travel companies to buy ships and | | |maintain. If stubing enterprises think of renting cruise and run the business, then it would be | | |problem from the renting companies because they might charge more for the cruise. Not only the | | |manufactures, the suppliers who supply other facilities like food, beverages, band people etc. | | |They also affect the business, if they increase their prices the prices of ticket will also go | | |and the people might not be interested in the cruise market. | |Buyers power |Buyers are the most powerful in any business, because they have many choices to select, which one| | |is more affordable they will choose. So they play a major role in price setting, because as a | | |travel enterprise it should attract customers based on low prices and...

Words: 1102 - Pages: 5

Premium Essay

Cruise Hr Analysis

...Cruising has recently gained significant importance as one of the fastest growing niche sectors within the tourism industry around the world. In Bangladesh we have started it with a longer vision. Modern cruises with ever-larger vessels have transformed the ship from merely transporting tourists to various destinations to become a resort in its own right (Kester, 2002; Papathanasis & Beckmann, 2011; Weaver, 2005). With the extended facilities offered, competitive pricing and aggressive marketing campaigns we think our cruise business will give its guests an elite type of vacation which they can remember for their rest of life. HR Strategy of Cruise Business Cruise business is simple managing a floating resort. This business is very closely related with hospitality rather than sport, recreation, entertainment, beauty, health and therapy. On the other hand if the human resource management is not proper in such case this would not bring any effective result for such kind of business. The HR personnel of this cruise will also maintain different partnerships with different department of this cruise liner in order to serve all parties in the best interest of the business. By confronting different issues and getting feedback it will report to the manager so that the performance of the overall team can be better. HR personnel also should develop business strategies that are in alignment with the cruise’s business objectives, by focusing on all aspects of the human asset. Continuously...

Words: 1748 - Pages: 7

Free Essay

Knights

...In the fourth century A.D. the Roman Empire fell and Europe was invaded by various barbarian tribes. One of the dominant groups was the Franks of central and western Europe, who gradually expanded their power until their leader Charlemagne became emperor of the West. Powerful local lords and their mounted warriors offered protection to peasants, who became their serfs in return. By the 11the century a new social order was formed my armored knights, who served a local lord, count, or duke, and were in turn served by serfs. When males were about seven, a boy of noble birth who was going to become a knight was usually sent away to a nobleman’s household, often that of his uncle or great lord, to be a page. Here he learned how to behave and how to ride. About 14, he was apprenticed to a knight whom he served as a squire. He was taught how to handle weapons and how to look after his master’s armor and horses. He even went into battle with his knight, helping him put on his armor and assisting him if he was hurt or unhorsed. He learned how to shoot a bow and to carve meat for food. Successful squired were knighted when they were about 21 years old. Young men who wanted to be knights had to keep fit. So squires trained constantly to exercise their muscles, and improve their skills. They practiced with each other and also sometimes with their knightly masters. The main body armor worn my early knights was made of mail, consisting of many small, liked iron rings. During the 12th...

Words: 999 - Pages: 4

Free Essay

History Development of Accounting

...Development in Accounting Theory * General Scientific Period (1800-1955) * Normative Period (1957-1970) * Positive Era (1970s) * Behavioral Research (1980s) Evolution of Double-Entry Book Keeping * Early History of Accounting * 4500-3600 BC -Chaldean Babylonion -Assyrian and Sumerian Egyptian -Chinese( Chao Dynasty) -Greek -Roman * 11th to 13th century -Italian Renaissance * Luca Pacioli’s Contribution * Introduction of double-entry book keeping, Dr and Cr were used for entries to secure double entry. * Three book are used: -memorandum -journal -ledger * Development of double entry * 16th Century: a few changes are made in the book-keeping techniques. * 17th Century: separate inventory accountant for different types of goods. * 18th Century: Three methods of treating fixed assets * 19th Century: depreciating property was accounted for unsold merchandise 4 reasons generally advance to explain the role of double-entry in the economic expansion: * Double-entry contributed to a new attitude toward economic life. * The acquisition was aided and propelled by systematic organisation. * It permits a separation of ownership and promotes the growth of the large joint stock company. * The new rationalism was further and enhance by systematic organization. Capitalism and Accounting * the linked between accounting and capitalism become known as the Sambart thesis or argument that the tranformstion...

Words: 382 - Pages: 2

Free Essay

Ninja History

...strict rules about honor and combat. The shinobi proper, a specially trained group of spies and mercenaries, appeared in the Sengoku or "warring states" period, in the 15th century, but antecedents may have existed in the 14th century, and possibly even in the 12th century (Heian or early Kamakuraera). In the unrest of the Sengoku period (15th–17th centuries), mercenaries and spies for hire became active in the Iga Province and the adjacent area around the village of Kōga, and it is from their ninja clans that much of our knowledge of the ninja is drawn. Following the unification of Japan under the Tokugawa shogunate (17th century), the ninja faded into obscurity. A number of shinobi manuals, often centered around Chinese military philosophy, were written in the 17th and 18th centuries, most notably theBansenshukai (1676). By the time of the Meiji Restoration (1868), the tradition of the shinobi had become a topic of popular imagination and mystery in Japan. Ninja figured prominently in folklore and legend, and as a result it is often difficult to separate historical fact from myth. Some legendary abilities purported to be in the province of ninja training include invisibility, walking on water, and control over the natural elements. As a consequence, their perception in western popular culture in the 20th century is often based more on such legend and folklore than on the historical spies of the Sengoku period. This info is from...

Words: 289 - Pages: 2

Premium Essay

Mr Oguzhan

...lasting influence to its simplicity and reasonableness, its humanity, and its sheer beauty. The first and greatest period of classical art began in Greece about the middle of the 5th century BC. By that time Greek sculptors had solved many of the problems that faced artists in the early archaic period. They had learned to represent the human form naturally and easily, in action or at rest. They were interested chiefly in portraying gods, however. They thought of their gods as people, but grander and more beautiful than any human being. They tried, therefore, to portray ideal beauty rather than any particular person. Their best sculptures achieved almost godlike perfection in their calm, ordered beauty. The Greeks had plenty of beautiful marble and used it freely for temples as well as for their sculpture (see Marble). They were not satisfied with its cold whiteness, however, and painted both their statues and their buildings. Some statues have been found with their bright colors still preserved, but most of them lost their paint through weathering. The works of the great Greek painters have disappeared completely, and we know only what ancient writers tell us about them. Parrhasius, Zeuxis, and Apelles, the great painters of the 4th century BC, were famous as colorists. Polygnotus, in the 5th century, was renowned as a draftsman. Fortunately we have many examples of Greek vases. Some were preserved in tombs; others were uncovered by archaeologists in other sites. The beautiful...

Words: 2174 - Pages: 9

Free Essay

Lara

...the literary canon for their skillful and vivid depictions of war and peace, honor and disgrace, love and hatred. Hesiod was another very early Greek poet and his didactic poems give us a systematic account of Greek mythology, the creation myths and the gods, as well as an insight into the day-to-day lives of Greek farmers of the time. The fables of Aesop represent a separate genre of literature, unrelated to any other, and probably developed out of an oral tradition going back many centuries. Sappho and, later, Pindar, represent, in their different ways, the apotheosis of Greek lyric poetry. The earliest known Greek dramatist was Thespis, the winner of the first theatrical contest held at Athens in the 6th Century BCE. Choerilus, Pratinas and Phrynichus were also early Greek tragedians, each credited with different innovations in the field. Aeschylus, however, is usually considered the first of the great Greek playwrights, and essentially invented what we think of as drama in the 5th Century BCE (thereby changing Western literature forever) with his introduction of dialogue and interacting characters into play-writing....

Words: 1026 - Pages: 5

Premium Essay

Ancient Chinese Contributions

...completion of this paper, I will have identified eight to ten useful inventions or contributions that are used in the world today. Some of these inventions include the compass, gunpowder, row planting, deep drilling, and toilet paper and so on. Within those eight to ten inventions, I will choose four that I believe are the most innovative. Row Planting (Feudal period – 6th Cent BC) The Chinese started planting crops in rows sometime in the 6th century BC. This allows the crops to grow stronger and faster. It facilitates more planting, weeding, harvesting and watering. There is also documentation that they realize that as wind travels over the rows of plants there is less damage. This obvious development was not instituted in the western world for another 2200 years. (Steven H 2009) Compass (Feudal period – 4th Cent BC) The Chinese developed a lodestone compass to indicate direction sometime in the 4th century BC. These compasses were south pointing and primarily used on land as divination tools and direct finders. Written in the 4th century BC, in the Book of the Devil Valley Master it is written: “lodestone makes iron come or attracts it”. The spoons were made of lodestone, while the plates were of bronze. Thermo-remanence needles were being produced for mariners by the year 1040, with common use recorded by 1119. Thermo-remanence technology, still used today was discovered by William Gilbert in about 1600. (Steven H 2009) The Seed Drill (Han Dynasty: circa 220 BC – 220 AD) ...

Words: 1144 - Pages: 5

Free Essay

Chinese Essay

...help to put the world where it is today. Today’s world is based on technology and, most of it is from China. (1) Identify eight to ten of these useful inventions or contributions Several useful inventions or contributions come from China. One of the most significant and known to almost everyone is row planting, which was started in the 6th century BC (Minnesota Department of Employment and Economic Development, 2005). As they made this invention, it was believed that plants in rows grew stronger and faster with less wind damage. Wind passed through the well developed lines without damaging the crops. Another invention was the compass done in 4th century BC (Frater, 2007). Although the first compass was facing the south, it helped as direct finder and a divination tool. The seed drill was used in 2nd century BC to help the Chinese farmers to plant their seeds at a standardized depth, and cover them (Frater, 2007). This ensures that there is no waste as no seeds are left uncovered and planting is done at a fast rate. Additionally, the growth of the seeds was uniform as the depth is the same. Deep drilling was invented in the 1st century BC and helped in digging boreholes of depths up to 4800 feet (Minnesota Department of Employment and Economic Development, 2005)....

Words: 906 - Pages: 4

Free Essay

Chronological Timeline of the History of Art

... Byzantine Art 5th Century AD. to 1453 Figure 3: Christ Pantokrator, Central Dome, Church of the Dormition (mosaic), 1090-1100, Byzantine Art, Greece, (Adendorff, 2008:25) Middle Ages 312-1341 Figure 4: Unknown, St. Matthew, from the Gospel Book of Archbishop Ebbo of Reims, 826-835, Middle ages, (Adendorff, 2008:31) Roman Art 500 BC – 300 AD Figure 5: Unknown, Emperor Augustus (white marble), 1st Century, Roman art, Rome, (Von Heintze, 1990:143) Renaissance 12th to 17th Centuries Figure 6: Sandro Botticelli, The Birth of Venus (tempera on canvas), 1482, Renaissance, Uffizi Gallery, Florence, (Adendorff, 2008:54) Baroque Art 17th and 18th Centuries Figure 7: Diego Velazquez, Las Meninas (oil on canvas), 1656, Baroque art, Museo del Prado, Madrid, (Adendorff, 2009:16) Neo-Classicism 18th and 19th Centuries Figure 8: Jacques Louis David, Oath of Horatti (oil on canvas), 1784, Neo-Classism, Louvre, Paris, (Rosenblum & Janson, 2004:27) Romanticism 1750-1850 Figure 9: Thėodore Gėricault, Raft of the Medusa (oil on canvas), 1818-1819, Romanticism, Louvre, Paris, (Adendorff, 2009:33) Realism 19th Century Figure 10: Honorė Daumier, The Third-Class Carriage (oil on canvas), 1862, Realism, National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, (Adendorff, 2009:43) Impressionism 19th Century Figure 11: Edgar Degas...

Words: 551 - Pages: 3

Free Essay

Description

...as beginning with the epic poem Beowulf, that dates from between the 8th to the 11th centuries, the most famous work in Old English, which has achieved national epic status in England, despite being set in Scandinavia. The next important landmark is the works of the poet Geoffrey Chaucer (c. 1343-1400) especially The Canterbury Tales. Then during The Renaissance, especially the late 16th and early 17th centuries, major drama and poetry was written by William Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, John Donne and many others. Another great poet, from later in the 17th century, was John Milton (1608-1674) author of the epic poem Paradise Lost (1667). The late 17th and the early 18th century are particularly associated with satire, especially in the poetry of John Dryden and Alexander Pope, and the prose works of Jonathan Swift. The 18th century also saw the first British novels in the works of Daniel Defoe, Samuel Richardson, and Henry Fielding, while the late 18th and early 19th century was the period of the Romantic poets Wordsworth, Coleridge, Shelley and Keats. It was in the Victorian era (1837–1901) that the novel became the leading literary genre in English,[1] dominated especially by Charles Dickens, but there were many other significant writers, including the Brontë sisters, and then Thomas Hardy, in the final decades of the 19th century.The Americans began to produce major writers in the 19th century, including novelist Herman Melville, author of Moby Dick (1851) and the poets Walt Whitman...

Words: 294 - Pages: 2