CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Female circumcision is a traditional practice performed on girl children as part of initiation rituals into adulthood. This inquiry seeks to demystify the secretiveness surrounding this practice, seeking to establish the reasons why female circumcision remains a taboo subject. In doing so, the researcher will attempt to establish the local community’s perception of female circumcision and elucidate some of the reasons practitioners cite as benefits of female circumcision.
The research focuses on Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs because there are people of different ethnic groups with varying customs and values that shape their behaviour and way of life. Mabvuku and Tafara have an unusually high concentration of people of Malawian, Mozambican and Zambian origin who migrated to seek work mostly before the Zimbabwean independence. Due to this diversity, women and girls who have undergone female circumcision were interviewed. Mabvuku is a high-density suburb some seventeen kilometres east of Harare. It is classified as a suburb or township of Harare, with the Harare City Council constituting local government.
This inquiry is exploratory, descriptive and qualitative in nature, based on interviews with women who had undergone the practice in Mabvuku-Tafara. The inquiry can be termed therefore, a qualitative research done through a case study design. This research method is preferred because the researcher is exploring a subjective understanding of social reality rather than a statistical description of generalized ideas. The quest is to discover a socially constructed reality from the viewpoint of the people being studied. This research presents female circumcision in its cultural context to understand the ethical motivations of this on-going practice and the reasons why it is secretive in nature.
1.1 BACKGROUND
The attempt to define the practice of female circumcision has undergone a number of changes. Boyle (2005:41) writes that the World Health Organisation (herein after referred to as WHO) adopted to use the term female circumcision because this practice was referred to as a social and cultural issue as opposed to a medical issue. The origin of female circumcision is unknown. There is no conclusive evidence to indicate when and where the custom started and how it spread. There is no consensus if the operations originated in one locality and then spread, or if they were practised by different ethnic groups in different areas at different times (Boyle 2005:41)
The practice involves one or more of several procedures, which vary according to the ethnic group. They include elongation of the labia, the removal of all or part of the clitoris and clitoral hood; all or part of the clitoris and inner labia; and in its most severe form (infibulation) all or part of the inner and outer labia and the closure of the vagina (:42). Children rights activist Betty Makoni describes the elongation of the labia as another form of female genital mutilation (muzvarebettymakoni.org) although other social commentators find this description unwarranted. The global picture estimates that between 100-140 million girls and women have undergone female circumcision, and at least 2-3 million girls a year are at risk of undergoing some form of procedure worldwide. ( Momoh 2005:5). Because of immigration, this practice is also common in the African immigrant communities in North America, Europe, Australia and New Zealand (Momoh 2005:6).
Human rights activists view female circumcision as an act of violence against women, arguing that the practice transgresses the right to health and the right of women to corporeal integrity (Turshen 2000:127). The health effects depend on the procedure but can include recurrent infections, chronic pain, cysts, an inability to get pregnant, complications during childbirth and fatal bleeding. However, in many communities, particularly those where labia elongation is more prevalent, girls usually look forward to being initiated through circumcision and, more importantly, circumcised women desire this ritual for their daughters too. They do not agree that their rights have been violated or that their quality of life is reduced. Otherwise, the tradition would have died long ago they argue. In some cases, female circumcision even serves as an ideological marker for women of the ruling class that reinforces ethnic superiority over non-circumcising groups.
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
This inquiry seeks to establish the reasons why female circumcision in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs is a secretive practice. The perception of secrecy and secretiveness surrounds the practice of female circumcision amongst women and girls in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs. The research seeks to elucidate on this perception that female circumcision is a cultural practice that is shrouded in mysticism and occurs within the private sphere. What type of female circumcision takes place in Mabvuku and Tafara? Moreover, why does it continue to happen?
1.3 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY
A case study of this nature has not been undertaken in depth in the area of Mabvuku and Tafara. Little has been written about the role of non-surgical interventions defined as FGM Type IV, which include labia elongation, the insertion, application or ingestion of various substances to attempt to tighten the vagina and/or change the level of its lubrication and the elongation of the labia. This dissertation has a practical relevance that seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the secretive nature of this practice from the viewpoint of the practitioners, the girls and women who have undergone female circumcision. There is an urgent need to undertake research projects that focus on the interplay between local beliefs and practices. Exposing secrecy in this area of female sexuality is an integral part of such an exercise. This will go a long way in eradicating all forms of discrimination against women and girls. Discrimination, here is defined as
“…any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field” (WHO 1998:51).
There is need to institute affirmative steps to modify cultural patterns that impair or enhance the enjoyment of the rights of women. For young girls and women affected by female circumcision, this information is intended to strengthen their knowledge and understanding of the practice. Findings from this research will also help the general populace to be careful not to stigmatize women who have undergone female circumcision.
A significant amount of research has been carried out on the issue of female circumcision. According to Ahmadu (2000:284), most studies have centered on this practice as a violation of human rights, advocating measures to eliminate the practice. Some studies have focused on the medical risks involved, stating that the spread of HIV and AIDS in most parts of sub-Saharan Africa is directly related to conspiracies of silence and secrecy in matters relating to sexuality. The reality of HIV and AIDS in Africa requires that African scholars adopt a more radical posture and challenge some of these practices and institutions in African culture. This secrecy has led to the marginalisation of women and girls regarding ritual practices that increase vulnerability to HIV infection (Chitando 2008:178).
Further studies have looked into the reasons for the perpetuation of the practice from a traditional and cultural viewpoint.
1.3.1 Centrality of Religion
This study examines female circumcision as a sociocultural practice that is shaped by the values of a given community. Religious values, explicitly or implicitly, overt or covert, help define social attitudes and behavior in a community. Drawing upon sociological theories of religion, the researcher explores the role of religion in defining attitudes of Zimbabweans toward women’s sexuality with specific reference to female circumcision. Wangila (2007:10) states that religion is not only fundamental to the practice and persistence of female circumcision but also has the potential to transform attitudes toward it.
Secrecy in African Traditional religions has often been associated with the notion of ‘secret societies’. Ellis and Ter Haar (2004:78) posit that this idea has attracted considerable attention in anthropological circles. Secrecy has also been used to perpetuate negative images of indigenous religions of Africa in the media (Chitando 2008:178)). Indigenous religions tend to link sexuality to the spiritual world. The perpetuation of the lineage is a major concern, and fertility is directly associated with blessings from the spiritual realm. Chitando (2008:178) states that sexuality is imbued with power, and numerous taboos govern its expression. Sexuality is an integral part of African Traditional religions. Beliefs relating to the perpetuation of the ancestral lineage, flows of sexual substance, flows of blood and other concepts are central to African Traditional religions.
1.4 OBJECTIVES 1. To establish the reasons why female circumcision is being practised among women and girls in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs. 2. To discover the reasons as to why this practice is secretive and is being perpetuated despite efforts by activists and human rights groups to publicize its deleterious effects. 3. To elucidate some of the reasons women and girls who have undergone this procedure cite as merits and demerits of female circumcision. 4. To establish the local community’s perception of female circumcision.
1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1. Why is the practice of female genital circumcision shrouded in secretiveness? 2. What are the reasons for the perpetuation of this practice despite the potential health risks involved? 3. How and in what ways do the practitioners benefit from undergoing the practice? 4. What views are held by the different members of the community about female genital circumcision?
1.6 TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITIONS
Turshen (2008:128) asserts that female genital mutilation/cutting/circumcision are terms used to incorporate a wide range of traditional practices that involve the alteration, modification, partial or total removal of the external female genitalia for traditional and cultural reasons in mostly African societies. However, there has been contention on the particular use of the terms female genital mutilation, female genital cutting and female circumcision. According to Ahmadu (2000:284), feminist activists and medical experts prefer to use the term female genital mutilation, as they believe it most accurately depicts what women affected by this practice have undergone, emphasising the gravity of this abuse of women's human rights. For these reasons, worldwide and especially amongst anti-FGM activists, there is an increasing tendency to use the term female genital mutilation. It has since become the dominant term within the medical literature to differentiate the severity of the procedures from male circumcision (:285).
Gachiri (2000:35) contends that critics of the practice argue that the term “female circumcision” inappropriately mislabels the more extreme forms of female genital surgery, specifically, clitoridectomy and infibulation. Many of these critics utilize the phrase “female genital mutilation” to describe all forms of female genital surgeries, insisting that any irreversible removal or alteration of a healthy organ or tissue is inherently mutilative. Shweder (2000:209) posits that two problems arise when instituting the phrase “female genital mutilation”. First, the phrase inaccurately describes all forms of female genital surgeries as mutilative. The symbolic pricking of the clitoris and the elongation of the labia, both mild forms of the practice, are better described as circumcisions. In addition, identifying an African religious and cultural practice as mutilative is offensive. Indigenous African groups, themselves, prefer to employ the term “female circumcision” when referring to female genital modifications (:210). To more accurately describe the procedure and to respect those people who practice it, the term “female circumcision” will be used throughout this dissertation to describe these female genital modifications.
Female circumcision means the “alteration, complete or partial removal of the external genitalia for non-medical reasons.” There are four main types (Gachiri, 2000:35).
1) Labia elongation, also known as labia stretching or labia pulling, is an act of elongating the labia minora (inner lips) through manual manipulation or through the use of small physical weights.
2) Clitoridectomy is the removal of the clitoral prepuce (hood) with or without the removal of all or part of the clitoris.
3) Excision is the complete or partial removal of the clitoris with the complete or partial removal of the labia minora. It may include the removal of parts of the labia majora, too. Sometimes the bone which holds the clitoris is broken and chopped off.
4) Infibulation is the most severe operation. Like excision, it cuts away the outer parts of the female sexual organs as well as most of the labia majora. Then the vagina is sewn together to leave only a tiny opening for urination and menstruation. Commonly, a small stick is inserted to maintain the opening (:36).
Other variations of female circumcision are piercing, burning or using acid substances. However, the most common practice is labia elongation and excision (about 80 % of all cases).
1.7 LIMITATIONS 1. Limited time frame forced the researcher to major mainly on dependent variables, ignoring independent variables that in a way could influence research outcomes. The research is carried out within confines of time and resources. The researcher, however, made every effort in effectively utilising time available to his disposal. 2. Financial constraints also had a role to play in restricting the research to a tight budget, rather than to what the research would have preferred. However, the use of questionnaires and the geographical proximity of the area of investigation made it possible to circumvent this limitation. 3. Finding suitable candidates to interview was another limitation as the nature of the discourse naturally prevented openness. There was also an initial mistrust amongst the interviewees of the motive of the researcher. However, the researcher assured them that this study was being conducted for purely academic purposes.11.1
1.8 DELIMITATIONS
This research focuses mainly on the reasons behind the secretiveness of the female circumcision process among women and girls in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs. Different ethnic groups are found in this area, namely the Shona, the Chewa, the Tonga and the Kunda people. It can be most misleading to generalize about the social position of women in societies that practise female circumcision because of the differences in history, culture and ethnicity in which this practice occurs. It is highly important to acknowledge the gender perspective of the issue as it is a crucial part of the circumstances.
1.9 CHAPTER BREAKDOWN
This dissertation is organised in five chapters. Chapter one contains general information about the study; chapter two contains literature published by different scholars on female circumcision; chapter three presents the methodology and the operative logic comprising of principles and philosophies that govern the use of the qualitative research approach; chapter four contains the research findings and chapter five contains the analysis, conclusion and recommendations of the study.

CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter will focus on the review of published and unpublished literature from authors on the same topic or a related subject that should give a theoretical basis for my research. The literature review represents the most important step of the research process in qualitative, quantitative, and mixed research studies (Boote & Beile, 2005). According to Fraenkel and Wallen (2006), “A literature review is helpful in two ways. It not only helps researchers glean the ideas of others interested in a particular research question, but it also lets them read about the results of other (similar or related) studies”.
2.1 WHAT IS FEMALE CIRCUMCISION?
Female circumcision is the collective name given to several different traditional practices that involve the alteration or cutting of female genitals for cultural or any other non-therapeutic reasons. From the studies that have been conducted, four different types of female circumcision have been identified (Shell-Duncan et al 2000:4-5). These are; Type I: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy); Type II: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora (excision); Type III: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulations); Type IV: All other alterations to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example: stretching, pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization. Labia elongation falls in type IV category.
About 28 countries in Africa are said to be practicing female circumcision. According to The Hosken Report published in 1979, which showed a global review and country by country estimates of the prevalence of the practice, some countries like Somalia have an estimated prevalence of about 98% while countries like Uganda have an estimated prevalence of about 5% (Skaine 2005:36-37). The presence of increasing numbers of refugees and immigrants from countries where female genital mutilation is practised is spreading in non-practicing countries among the immigrant communities. Some of these countries include Norway, Denmark, Netherlands, Sweden, United Kingdom and France. Female circumcision is deeply rooted in underdeveloped countries where illiteracy and poverty are widespread and women have to struggle daily for survival and for satisfying basic needs. They grow up within the context of their cultural norms. They live with the assumption that an uncircumcised girl is unacceptable and will not be sought out for marriage, almost the only solution for securing a future. In a culture where deep-rooted values of premarital chastity and marriage are intrinsically linked to female circumcision, physical suffering is preferred to the social ostracism experienced by an uncircumcised girl. This explains why women are the strongest proponents of the practice and why the sufferings, danger of death, unbearable pain and severe infections are often seen as preferable to being an uncircumcised outcast (:37).

2.2 JUSTIFICATIONS BEHIND FEMALE CIRCUMCISION
Momoh (2005:9-10) says that in societies that practise female genital circumcision, a number of cultural elements are present. According to Momoh (:10), these include particular beliefs, behavioural norms, custom rituals, and social hierarchies, religious, political and economic systems. She goes on to write that culture is learnt and children learn from adults. Female circumcision has been supported by centuries of tradition, culture and false beliefs and it is perpetuated by poverty, illiteracy as well as the low status of women in societies (:10).
The origins of female circumcision are complex and numerous. Indeed, it has not been possible to determine when or where the tradition of female circumcision originated. Momoh (:10) says that the justifications given for the practice are multiple and reflect the ideological and historical situation of the societies in which it has developed. Reasons cited generally relate to tradition, power inequalities and the ensuing compliance of women to the dictates of their communities.
The reasons include, custom and tradition, religion; in the mistaken belief that it is a religious requirement, preservation of virginity/chastity, social acceptance, especially for marriage, hygiene and cleanliness, increasing sexual pleasure for the male, family honour, a sense of belonging to the group and conversely the fear of social exclusion, enhancing fertility and many women believe that female circumcision is necessary to ensure acceptance by their community (:12).
To make sure that girls and women conform to the practice, communities have put strong enforcement mechanisms into place. These include rejection of women who have not undergone female circumcision as marriage partners, immediate divorce for un-excised women, derogatory songs about women and girls who have not undergone female circumcision, public exhibitions and witnessing of complete removal before marriage, forced excisions, and instillation of fear of the unknown through curses and evocation of ancestral wrath. On the other hand, girls who undergo female circumcision are provided with rewards, including public recognition and celebrations, gifts, increasing their value as potential spouses, respect and the ability to participate in adult social functions (Gachiri 2000:90-96).
2.2.1 Male domination over women sexuality
Gachiri (2000:98) reports that taming women’s sexual desires was the most named reason in her survey to circumcise girls. It ensures that the man has social control over a woman’s sexuality that demonstrates his superiority. Lately, some Kenyan groups such as the Agikuyu have reinforced female circumcision to teach girls the value of submission to their husbands (Wangila 2007:137). Infibulation, the most extreme practice, uses the women’s tissue as a chastity belt. Those who justify female circumcision hope that girls, by not developing sexual feelings, are more likely to remain virgins until marriage and faithful afterwards. For polygamist families, it has the advantage that women do not complain and remain chaste even if the husband ignores them.
In the West, the clitoris has become the symbol of women’s emancipation and sexual fulfilment. Consequently, the fight against female circumcision is a fight for the liberation of women against patriarchal oppression. Famous examples are the Hite Report (1976) and the Hosken Report (1982). Other circumcising communities do not even know the element of male dominance in their practice. Fuambai Ahmadu (2000:283) writes about her Kono people in Sierra Leone where women are initiated through circumcision in a secret society called ‘Bundu’ that empowers them. Men fear the power of these circumcised women. Ahmadu (2000:285) disagrees further with the assumption that sexual pleasure and the ability to have an orgasm are located exclusively in the clitoris. She herself and the interviewed women experience either no difference or feel increased sexual satisfaction after their circumcision.
Ahmadu (2000:285) maintains that it remains true that female circumcision, in its cutting forms can damage the clitoral nerve and cause permanent complications (diminished sexual pleasure or even painful intercourse). However, these seem to be exceptions. Female sexuality is primarily controlled by gender education, not by circumcision (:285). Psychological and sociological reasons determine whether a woman, circumcised or not, has a fulfilled sexual life.
2.3 TRADITIONAL MEANING OF FEMALE CIRCUMCISION
The motivations and cultural explanations to circumcise differ from region to region. Since my informants are all Zimbabweans, the research will be limited to southern Africa and give a summary of the cultural value within the context of the initiation rite of African Religion as it is explained by John Mbiti (Mbiti 1978:91-97), Laurent Magesa (Magesa 1998:92-101) and Ephigenia Gachiri (Gachiri 2000:90-96). What is said about the circumcision of girls is valid also for the circumcision of boys in certain circumstances:
Mbiti (1978:93) says that the blood, shed on the land, binds the person to the lineage of the clan. It is a covenant between the community and the individual establishing unity with religious implications. Before the rite, the child is still an outsider. The scars leave a permanent mark that identifies the integrated members and serve as a sign of belonging and group identity. Traditionally, it is a religious ceremony that includes sacrifices to God and the ancestors. Afterwards, the initiates are allowed to perform religious acts.
According to Gachiri (2000:91), some communities believe that humans are born bisexual. Removing the foreskin of the boy, which corresponds to the vagina, and the clitoris of the girl, which corresponds to the penis, makes them man and woman and gives them their (gender-) role in the community. Now they are able to relate to the opposite sex. The original perfection of the child has to be compensated for by social and cultural development.
The physical mark during initiation is painful in order to prove endurance, which prepares the initiates for the hardships of life and helps them to control their emotions. The courage of the youth, displayed in the ritual, ensures the life force of the clan. Therefore, cowards who show weakness during the ceremony are humiliated, often over a whole lifetime. The sublimation of pain teaches self-denial for the sake of the community. Pleasure and suffering in life belong together which is symbolized by cutting the sexual organs (Magesa 1998:101).
Mbiti (1978:91) states that the seclusion period is an important phase to prepare the girls for marriage and to become active members of the community. It covers all aspects of culture in a holistic manner: the norms, values and the wisdom of the community, domestic and social virtues, legal expectations, self-identity, sexual education, religion, history of the ethnic group, proverbs, songs, dances, aesthetics, medicine, farming, household and how to behave responsibly as a woman and wife. In addition, secret knowledge is passed on from woman to woman, creating a sphere where men do not have access. The seclusion period, like the circumcision rite, involves physical and psychological extreme situations to practice courage and endurance. It shows in a radical way that the individual is nothing without the community (Gachiri 2000:96).
Magesa (1998:100) compares the initiation to a new birth. Often, the candidates receive a new name to testify the radical change. It is a public recognition that the individual has become an adult. The removal of flesh is a symbol that the stage of childhood is passed, and there is no step back. The woman receives privileges and responsibilities in the family and larger community. She is allowed to express her opinion publicly and to take leadership positions. In some communities, the girls get married soon after initiation
Gachiri (2000:94) asserts that the mingling of blood during the circumcision by using the same knife and the seclusion period create a strong bond among the initiates of the same group. These relations last a whole lifetime. The age mates will stick together in all problems. They give moral, psychological and financial support to each other. Honourable or shameful actions of one individual will fall on the whole group.
2.3.1 Female circumcision as an expression of culture
Turshen (2000:128) contends that the ritual of female circumcision in Africa is embedded in a complex socio-cultural and religious configuration. Jews, Christians, Muslims and followers of indigenous African beliefs all practise circumcision. These surgeries are considered methods of transmitting multiple messages and meanings to different people who take part in them. As a ritual, female circumcision rests on a repertoire of diverse cultural themes regarding notions of femininity, beauty, tradition, gender, religiosity and sexuality. Simply stated, female circumcision has no meaning apart from related dominant beliefs and ideologies, and in turn these beliefs combine to shape the common ethos and mores of the community in which the ritual is practised.
In recent years, female circumcision has come to acquire remarkable significance in contemporary social analysis, not only in anthropology, but also across the disciplines of jurisprudence, medicine, history, comparative religion, bioethics and sociology. Anthropologists have examined how rituals represent a means through which individuals and groups relate to the sacred. According to Magesa (1998:101), “Not only is ritual the means by which the social bonds of a group are reinforced and tensions relieved, it is also one way that many important events are celebrated and crises such as death are made less socially disruptive and less difficult for the individuals to bear”.
Several types of ritual are identified as rites of passage (including rites of separation, transition, and incorporation) and rites of intensification, which occur during crises in the life of a group and in turn reinforce the bonds of that group. This definition, as Turshen (2000:128) contends, allows us to ask a series of questions. Why do women who undergo circumcision tend to glorify their own mutilation? What does circumcision tell us about tradition and change? How does the observance of this ritual affect individual women and their communities? What is the nature of this ritual? In addition, how do these surgeries relate to other beliefs, ideologies and common ethics? Understanding ritual means explaining the main elements as one who practices them understands them, and implies going beyond the forms we observe when we encounter the practice (:129).
2.3.2 Superstitious motivations
There are many myths and superstitions alive that have perpetuated female circumcision (Gachiri, 2000:103): Non-circumcised girls did not have common sense, do not know how to behave, act in a childish manner and climb castor oil trees with uncircumcised boys which is a big insult in some communities. These girls would more likely become prostitutes because they have a greater libido. The clitoris would grow large like the penis if it is not cut or will produce a poisonous substance that kills the husband during the wedding night or harms the baby during birth. Some believe that female circumcision enhances fertility and makes childbirth easier or that enduring the pain of female circumcision prepares the woman to endure the pain of giving birth (:103).
Many follow the tradition because they fear the curse of moral authorities. Often, grandmothers command to continue with the practice. Disobeying the will of the elders or ancestors inflicts a curse on the community (Gachiri 2000:103).
2.4 CONCEPT OF SECRECY IN TRADITIONAL AFRICAN SOCIETIES
The subject of female circumcision has been buried in secrecy and taboo for several centuries. It has been brought to the surface recently by feminists, health practitioners, and social scientists. The practice elicited reaction from the west in the form of indignation, horror, and condemnation. While, on the one hand, this helped to break the silence surrounding the subject, on the other, without recognition of the complexity and sensitiveness of the issue, it widened the gap between western feminist movements and those of the Third World (Chitando 2008:173).
Secrecy is an ambiguous term closely related to an array of disparate ideas and phenomena, including mystery, privacy, hiddenness, reserves, silence, and unknowability. The word secret comes from the Latin root ‘scretum’ meaning separate or set apart. The term society is also derived from a Latin root ‘societas’, connotating fellowship, union or alliance. According to the Thomson (2000:1093), secret means a thing or mystery that is not or must not be known by other people. It also means anything not properly understood or difficult to understand. Within this context, society becomes an organization of people formed for a particular purpose.
According to Chitando (2008:174), the status of secrecy differs from one society to another. In some societies, keeping secrets is regarded as a negative trait, while in other societies this would be a mark of maturity. In addition, Chitando (:174) states that what counts as a secret is determined by the context, and as such, it may invoke positive ideas like privacy, intimacy and confidence; or negative notions like deceit, lying and denial. Chitando further adds that the idea of secrecy is shrouded in debate and controversy, a slippery and essentially contestable category whose nuances are not easily grasped. Secrecy, as Chitando contends, entails the refusal by different social actors to acknowledge and transform harmful institutions in the wake of HIV and AIDS (:175).
In most African countries, open discussion of sexuality is socially discouraged, especially between adults and youth, except during traditional rites of passage conducted by non-parental adults. In some areas, especially in towns, traditional initiation rites have nearly disappeared or have been transplanted by church-based ceremonies. Where the initiation ceremonies do continue, they rarely address the HIV prevention (Kebaabetswe and Noor 2002:519). It is, therefore, imperative to demystify human sexuality. We need to lift the lid of it – the blanket of mystery on sex and related issues needs to be removed once and for all. The cultural and spiritual barriers prohibiting discussion on sexuality must be destroyed (Kathide 2003:6).
Indigenous religions tend to link sexuality to the spiritual world. The perpetuation of the lineage is a major concern, and fertility is directly associated with blessings from the spiritual realm. Sexuality is imbued with power, and numerous taboos govern its expression. With social dislocation arising from colonialism, the secretive aspect concerning sexuality has been accentuated. Sexuality has now come to characterise what people do, rather than what they can talk about (Chitando 2008:178).
According to Beidelman (1993:6), probably the most widespread, institutionalized revelation of secrets in African societies involves the initiation of adolescents into adulthood. At such rites, boys and girls receive instructions about sexuality, etiquette and comportment, and sometimes history. Sexuality lies at the heart of such information—not simply physiological information but the sense of how generations perpetuate society, of how kin groups and marriage work in the replacement of ancestors. Such secrets may be bought with payments of wealth (sacrifices and fees) but also through bodily suffering. Beidelman (1993:6), among others, observes that secret knowledge often does not represent a profound revelation of new information. Children often know many snatches of information about adult experience. Women and men likewise often know many details of one another's supposed secrets—of the very knowledge that is believed to define them as different not only from children but from each other. What, then, is revealed at initiation? This varies. Sometimes novices do learn new, arcane meanings, such as explanations about riddles, songs, masks, ritual implements, or legends and genealogies. Knowledge that is often couched in complex metaphors and allusions encourages speculation. In this indoctrinating process, initiates are introduced to the poetic and imaginative reconsideration of the familiar (Beidelman 1993:7).
Besides these revelations of iconic secrets or mysteries there are often other disclosures. Beidelman (1993:7) cites one of these as the initiatory experience itself, something the uninitiated have long both dreaded and anticipated. Initiation may be painful and harrowing, especially because novices have never experienced anything like it before, although they have heard it mentioned and warned about for years. To have such experience and survive is itself a secret that no one could possess without undergoing it. Very close to this are the initiations that many Africans undergo after suffering illness and misfortune. Being treated and cured of such ills may end with one's entry into a society of curing and treatment, in which misfortune has yielded up its secrets to the sufferer, who now appropriates it to himself or herself to become a curer and diviner of the unknown (:7).
Beidelman (1993:7) concludes by saying that secrecy, then, does not always involve a lack of knowledge but can comprise a commonly agreed-upon set of restrictions and silences about the proper time and place of discourse. As David Freedberg (1995) aptly, and not cynically, notes, "Belief becomes belief because of the sheer force of convention”.
2.5 FEMALE CIRCUMCISION AND FEMINIST INTERPRETATIONS
Ahmadu (2000:284) states that female circumcision has become a curious provocation in feminist circles. The mere mention of this phrase—a phrase that problematically condenses a wide range of practices from disparate geographic, cultural and historical locales—seems to incite rage, disgust and emphatic disavowal of either the practices or the feminists who oppose them. In discussing the practice of female circumcision, western feminists such as Fran Hosken and Mary Daly for example refer to practising women as both sexually oppressed and victims of male violence (:285).
Hosken (1993:114) looks at female circumcision as a form of violence by men against women. She compares it to rape, battery, forced prostitution, and purdah (segregation of women). All are seen as "violations of basic human rights" carried out with "an astonishing consensus among men". In her text, women worldwide become a homogeneous group in a "totalizing rhetoric that confidentially speaks of the female gender as a universal category". Women are represented as the victims of male violence and are reduced to a universal unity based on the reductive notion of their oppression. Even institutions like purdah or veiling are associated with male violence and explained in terms of sexual oppression and subjugation (:115). The cultural specificity and the historical process of the custom is ignored. For example, the difference between the use of veil in Iran as imposed by Islamic law versus the choice of veil as a cultural identity element used to oppose western cultural imperialism. As a symbol or Islamic tradition, the diffusion of the veil greatly increased as a reaction to the intrusive western presence (:115).
Hartmann (2007:143) contends that Mary Daly, a radical feminist philosopher from America, has a similar approach to Hosken. She makes a problematic comparison of customs from different historical periods comparing Africa today with Europe in the middle Ages. In particular, she parallels female circumcision to the iron chastity belts used in medieval Europe, foot binding as practiced in China until the beginning of this century, and the burial of infant girls alive in pre-Islamic Arabia. She represents these practices as symptomatic of a universal misogynist conspiracy. Daly, as Hartmann (:143) adds, falls into the analytical trap of presuming that a singular, ahistorical patriarchal system characterizes most societies and structures women as an oppressed group. The structure of the world is interpreted and defined on dichotomous terms that oppose women to men.

2.5.1 Radical Feminist Perspectives
Radical feminists argue that male-dominant society ensures women's subordination by retaining complete control of women's sexuality. They argue that female circumcision is one method by which the male-dominant tribal group controls women's sexuality, thereby ensuring women's subordination to men. Adrienne Rich (1995:124) argues that “violent strictures,” such as female circumcision, are “necessary to enforce women’s total emotional, erotic loyalty and subservience to men. By denying women control of their sexuality, tribal groups have convinced women “that marriage and sexual orientation toward men are inevitable, even if they are oppressive components of their lives." In this way, the male-dominant tribal group ensures female virginity before marriage, female fidelity throughout marriage, and, as Rich (:124) points out, heterosexuality.
Rich (1995:124) further states that for example, the Darod ethnic group of Somalia, regard "female sexuality as a lustful instinct which must be controlled. Women's sexuality is dangerous and needs to be curtailed." Rich argues that it seems more probable that men really fear, not that they will have women's sexual appetites forced on them, or that women want to smother and devour them, but that women could be indifferent to them altogether, that men could be allowed sexual and emotional--therefore economic--access to women only on women's terms, otherwise being left on the periphery of the matrix (:124).
Gachiri (2000:93) posits that not only is the female turned into a marriageable woman after being circumcised, but the operation ensures that women, especially women in polygamous tribal groups, "will not form sexual relationships with each other; that from a male perspective female erotic connections will be literally excised." Ultimately, the "enforcement of heterosexuality for women is a means of assuring male right of physical, economical, and emotional access" to women. Therefore, as Gachiri (:93) argues, radical feminists would argue that female circumcision was created to force women to submit to males and accept their socially prescribed gender roles. Through the traumatic experiences of painful operations, childbirth, and intercourse, women learn to submit to the males of their families and accept their secondary positions. Gender inequality between women and men is maintained by controlling women's sexuality through female circumcision, and men continue to dominate women in these tribal groups (:94).
2.5.2 Socialist Feminism
Hartmann (2007:143) points out that socialist feminists contend that the radical feminist perspective does not adequately account for men's material interest in women's continued oppression. Marxist feminists argue that with the introduction of private property the primary resource became labour. By controlling reproduction with female circumcision, the patriarchal system ensures that males have control of production, that is, the labour of all children and wives. In addition, the male-dominant tribal groups use circumcision as a way to impose monogamy on women to ensure that males' landed property goes only to their own heirs (:144).
Heidi Hartmann (2007:137) believes capitalism and patriarchy are related. She states that "The material base" of patriarchy is "men's control over women's labour power. Men control women's labour by restricting their access to productive resources and controlling their sexuality. Men control women's labour power "for the purpose of serving men in many personal and sexual ways and for the purpose of rearing children" as well as for the purpose of "feeling powerful and being powerful." Patriarchal behaviours are taught by society, and the "inferior position of women is enforced and reinforced." Thus, capitalism aids patriarchy by creating male ownership of women's productive and reproductive labour (:137).
Thus, female circumcision, according to socialist feminism, results from a materially based patriarchy. Through circumcision, males are ensured control of women's productive and reproductive labour. Women become the property of their husbands such that husbands control their wives' productive labour and sexuality as well as the labour of their children. In addition, the patriarchal rituals surrounding female circumcision may serve to enforce and reinforce the secondary status of women (Hartmann 2007:143).
2.6 LABIA ELONGATION
The idea that elongation of the labia minora is part of sexual education and aims at improving both partners’ sexuality is shared by several authors who have described the practice. Parikh(2005: 132-139) explains that in Uganda, despite the fact that girls’ sexuality is manipulated essentially in order to respond to male desires, the pulling of the little lips increases the women’s sexual desire and the pleasure arising from masturbation. The author also stresses that the “girl received a stern warning that if she did not pull she would either be unable to give birth or would experience complications during delivery” (Parikh 2005:133).
Gelfand(1979:99), referring to the Shona linguistic group, says that the process begins one or two years prior to menarche. Aschwanden (1982:77), in relation to the same group, notes that a woman who has not elongated her lips is called a “cold woman” or even “a man” and stresses its importance in the construction of female identity. These practices are part of the context of preparation for sexuality, which also includes scarification on women’s body in order to increase eroticism (Aschwanden 1982: 77-78). Blacking (1967: 83-4) observed that among the Venda “this operation is begun often long before puberty, its importance is emphasised at vhusha (puberty school).” Recent data from both Mozambique and Tanzania indicate that the practice aims at transforming young girls into real women and that it is very much connected to sexuality and reproduction (Aschwanden 1982:78).
A Zimbabwean gender activist who founded the Girl Child Network, Betty Makoni, states that labia elongation happened to her and many other girls and she knows it is happening to many African girls, but the mere fact that it is thought to benefit women later in life does not exonerate it being harmful to the growth and development of the girl child (muzvarebettymakoni.org). She shares from personal experience that female genital mutilation Type 4 which is labia elongation is harmful to girls and it can affect their mental wellbeing, confidence and growth into full confident women who naturally can take care of sex and marriage.
The elongation of the labia minora is classified as a Type IV female genital mutilation by the World Health Organization. However, the term mutilation carries with it powerful negative connotations. In Zimbabwe, the elongation of the labia minora and the use of botanicals to do so is meant to increase male and female pleasure (Koster 2008:201). In Rwanda, the elongation of the labia minora through manual manipulation is not an individual act but takes place in social groups and thus cannot be fully understood by focusing one's attention solely on the individual-related behavioural components but, rather, on the social environment in which it exists (:201).
According to Radio katwe.com, the size of the labia minora varies greatly between females. Some women will have tiny near to non-existent labia minora; while on the other hand, there might be a woman with extremely long inner vaginal lips. The labia minora range can go from a couple millimetres in length up to 25 centimetres or more, if properly elongated. Women in remote tribes would take it into their own hands to increase the length of their labia minora to incredible lengths by the accounts of Europeans who saw women with long labia dangling between the legs of the females. Women would join in groups elongating their labia or the labia of any other female. It was an individual or shared activity, as the tribal elders would also join in stretching the labia of the young girls. The elongated labia are considered a delicacy in various parts of the world as well as individual preferences between men and women. Labia that hangs far down from the vagina and is considered ideal for sexual gratification of the individual or the couple (radiokatwe.com)
2.7 MEDICAL RISKS
Female Circumcision, in its cutting, pricking and incision forms is associated with a series of health risks and consequences. Almost all those who have undergone such modifications experience pain and bleeding because of the procedure. The intervention itself is traumatic as girls are usually physically held down during the procedure (Talle, 1993:52). Those who are infibulated often have their legs bound together for several days or weeks thereafter (:52). Other physical and psychological health problems occur with varying frequency.
Because of the difficulty to judge customary law from a universalistic standpoint, many have come to the conclusion that the most reasonable approach to stop female circumcision in these extreme forms is to explain the health hazards (Chalmers and Hashi 2000:34). Female circumcision is a procedure that causes a number of health problems for women and girls. Despite the fact that there is little documentation on the social, psychological and psychosexual effects of the practice, anecdotal evidence of women’s experiences shows that female circumcision affects women adversely in these areas of their lives.
According to Talle (1993:53), short-term health risks include severe pain, cutting the nerve ends and sensitive genital tissue causes extreme pain. Proper anaesthesia is rarely used and, when used, not always effective. The healing period is also painful; shock can be caused by pain and/or haemorrhage; excessive bleeding (haemorrhage) and septic shock have been documented; difficulty in passing urine, and passing of faeces, can occur due to swelling, oedema and pain. Infections may spread after the use of contaminated instruments (e.g. use of same instruments in multiple genital mutilation operations), and during the healing period. Use of the same surgical instrument without sterilization could increase the risk for transmission of HIV between girls who undergo female genital mutilation together. Death can be caused by haemorrhage or infections, including tetanus and shock. Psychological consequences: the pain, shock and the use of physical force by those performing the procedure are mentioned as reasons why many women describe female genital mutilation as a traumatic event (:53).
According to Talle (1993:54), long-term health risks include (i) pain; chronic pain can be due to trapped or unprotected nerve ending, (ii) reproductive tract infections and sexually transmitted infections, (iii) an increased frequency of certain genital infections, including bacterial vaginitis has been documented, (iv) Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV); an increased risk for bleeding during intercourse, which is often the case when defibulation is necessary (Type III), may increase the risk for HIV transmission, (v) Quality of sexual life; removal of, or damage to highly sensitive genital tissue, especially the clitoris, may affect sexual sensitivity and lead to sexual problems, such as decreased sexual pleasure and pain during sex, (vi) birth complications: the incidences of caesarean section and postpartum haemorrhage are substantially increased, in addition to increased tearing and recourse to episiotomies. The risks increase with the severity of the female genital circumcision. (vii) Danger to the new-born: higher death rates and reduced Apgar scores have been found, the severity increasing with the severity of female genital mutilation. Psychological consequences: some studies have shown an increased likelihood of fear of sexual intercourse, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, depression and memory loss. The cultural significance of the practice might not protect against psychological complications (:55).
Urinary and menstrual problems: slow and painful menstruation and urination can result from the near-complete sealing off of the vagina and urethra. Painful sexual intercourse: as the infibulation must be opened up either surgically or through penetrative sex, sexual intercourse is frequently painful during the first few weeks after sexual initiation (:55). The male partner can also experience pain and complications. Infertility: the association between female genital mutilation and infertility is due mainly to cutting of the labia majora, as evidence suggests that the more tissue that is removed, the higher the risk of infection (:56).
2.8 VIOLATION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN RIGHTS
Gachiri (2000:102) asserts that female circumcision violates a series of well-established human rights principles, norms and standards, including the principles of equality and non-discrimination on the basis of sex, the right to life when the procedure results in death, and the right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment as well as the rights identified below. As it interferes with healthy genital tissue in the absence of medical necessity and can lead to severe consequences for a woman’s physical and mental health, female genital mutilation is a violation of a person’s right to the highest attainable standard of health (:102).
On several occasions the United Nations have condemned female circumcision as a violation of human rights. Because usually minors are circumcised, activists call upon the UN Declaration of the Rights of the Child (1959) that advocates the right of children to develop physically in a healthy and normal manner. Gachiri (:102), herself being circumcised at the age of six years, writes that girls “are non-consenting victims, uninformed and unconsulted. As the practice becomes more and more secretive (in Kenya) …, the little girls have less and less chances of knowing exactly what happens during the operation.” (Gachiri, 2000:102) She also reports cases of adult women who have undergone female circumcision without knowing it. Arguing from a human rights perspective, Fan Hosken (1993:114) states that the “integrity of the human body is supreme. Any violation of the physical nature of the human person, for any reason whatsoever, without the informed consent of the person involved, is a violation of human rights.”
The United Nations Charter itself provides protection for human rights, arguably even against tribal group practices such as female circumcision. Article 55 states that the "United Nations shall promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. In addition, the Preamble "reaffirm[s] faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women." A main problem, however, is the Charter's lack of specificity or definition of these human rights. Presently, states have no obligation to protect women from circumcision under Article 55 and the Preamble alone (Gachiri 2000:102).
In 1981 the Organization of African Unity adopted the Banjul Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. Certain provisions of this document may also be interpreted to create a state duty to protect women from female circumcision. The Banjul Charter also includes the right to health, the right to be free of cruel and degrading practices, the right to sexual and corporal integrity, and the right to reproduction (Ahmadu:285).
However, reactions of circumcised women to the international condemnation of female circumcision are not all supportive. According to Fuambai Ahmadu (2000:285), only a minority of circumcised women oppose the practice. In many communities, girls usually look forward to being initiated through circumcision and, what is more important, circumcised women desire this ritual also for their daughters. They do not agree that their rights have been violated or that their quality of life is reduced.
Mackie (1996:61) states that the definition of human rights becomes problematic when it interferes with customary law. The cultural relativist position holds that judgments about certain practices are never independent of the cultural context and cannot be criticized by outsiders. The universalist position is convinced that there are some individual human rights whose violation should be punishable independent from the cultural context. This would include female circumcision. Gerry Mackie (1996:61), who opposes the practice, is against legislative action. He concludes that governments cannot outlaw cultural practices and criminalize a whole population without methods of mass terror. Noteworthy in this debate is also the aesthetical aspect. In Africa, there are several painful initiation practices like body piercing, impressing scars or removing teeth. They test the endurance of the person but also are perceived as making the person attractive. In a Nigerian study in 1997, 76% of the rural women have reported that their circumcision has made them more beautiful (:61).
2.8.1 Initiatives
Over the years, a number of initiatives have been formulated to deal with the issue of female genital mutilation in the different countries where it is practised. There has been a change in approach to dealing with female genital mutilation to information, education and communication campaigns. Innovative methods such as the use of music, theatre and films are being used (Nnaemeka 2005:133).
2.8.2 International interventions
According to Newman and Weissbrodt (1996:3), a number of treaties have been signed to establish the universal standards by recognising fundamental rights and require governments to take action to ensure these rights are observed. Strong legal basis to abandon female circumcision is found in treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (WHO 1998:51).
CEDAW strongly promotes the rights of women and specifically addresses discriminatory traditional customs and practices (WHO 1998:51). Article 2f calls on States Parties to take immediate steps towards eliminating discriminatory acts or practices as well as, “to modify or abolish existing regulation, customs and practices that constitute discrimination against women.”
In Article 5, State Parties are obliged to, “modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view to achieve the elimination of prejudices and other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women”. In the CRC, Article 19 protects children from, “all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation,” and this applies to female circumcision. In Article 24:3, CRC makes mention of harmful traditional practices by saying that, “States Parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children.”
It should be noted that female circumcision is illegal under any criminal code that punishes bodily injury (WHO 1998:56). Lack of will to apply such interpretation to the criminal code and make it applicable to female genital mutilation drives many to call for specific national laws to prohibit the practice (WHO 1998:56).
Female circumcision has been recognized as discrimination based on sex because it is rooted in gender inequalities and power imbalances between men and women and inhibits women’s full and equal enjoyment of their human rights. It is a form of violence against girls and women, with physical and psychological consequences. Female genital mutilation deprives girls and women from making an independent decision about an intervention that has a lasting effect on their bodies and infringes on their autonomy and control over their lives.
The right to participate in cultural life and freedom of religion are protected by international law. However, international law stipulates that freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs might be subject to limitations necessary to protect the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. Therefore, social and cultural claims cannot be evoked to justify female genital mutilation (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 18.3; UNESCO, 2001, Article 4).
2.9 A CRITIQUE OF THE GLOBAL ANTI-FGM CAMPAIGN
According to Richard Shweder (2000:209), the global campaign has been aimed exclusively at the female half of the practice, with the aim of creating and enforcing universal international norms according to which any socially endorsed surgical alteration of the genitals of a female child or adolescent is defined as either (a) an intolerably harmful cultural practice or (b) an obvious and impermissible violation of basic human rights, or both. He argues that neither claim is rationally defensible and that the global campaign against what has been gratuitously and invidiously labelled ‘female genital mutilation’ remains a flawed game whose rules have been fixed by the rich nations of the world. The campaign thus deserves to be carefully scrutinized and critiqued, rather than automatically embraced and given a free ride through the international court of critical reason.
Shweder (2000:209) states that on reading most of those statements or most of the other things you find written about female circumcision in the popular press, then one must conclude that Africa is indeed a dark continent where for hundreds of years, African parents have been murdering and maiming their daughters and depriving them of capacity for a sexual response. You must believe that African parents are either (a) monsters who mutilate their children or (b) fools who are incredibly ignorant of the health consequences of their own child rearing practices and the best interests of their children; or (c) prisoners of an insufferably dangerous tradition that they themselves would like to escape, if only they could find a way out, or else (d) that African women are weak and passive and live under the patriarchal thumb of cruel loathsome or barbaric African men.
Richard Shweder (2000:210) says that many Westerners trying to impose a “zero tolerance” policy do not realize that these initiation rites are generally controlled not by men but by women who believe it is a cosmetic procedure with aesthetic benefits. He criticizes Americans and Europeans for outlawing it at the same they endorse their own forms of genital modification, like the circumcision of boys or the cosmetic surgery for women called “vaginal rejuvenation.” After surveying studies of female circumcision and comparing the data with the rhetoric about its harmfulness, Shweder (2000:210) concludes that “‘First World’ feminist issues and political correctness and activism have triumphed over the critical assessment of evidence.”
Ahmadu (2000:285), a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Chicago, was raised in America and then went back to Sierra Leone as an adult to undergo the procedure along with fellow members of the Kono ethnic group. She has argued that the critics of the procedure exaggerate the medical dangers, misunderstand the effect on sexual pleasure, and mistakenly view the removal of parts of the clitoris as a practice that oppresses women. She has lamented that her Westernized “feminist sisters insist on denying us this critical aspect of becoming a woman in accordance with our unique and powerful cultural heritage.” In one of her essays, she writes;
“It is difficult for me — considering the number of ceremonies I have observed, including my own — to accept that what appears to be expressions of joy and ecstatic celebrations of womanhood in actuality disguise hidden experiences of coercion and subjugation. Indeed, I offer that the bulk of Kono women who uphold these rituals do so because they want to — they relish the supernatural powers of their ritual leaders over against men in society, and they embrace the legitimacy of female authority and particularly the authority of their mothers and grandmothers” (Ahmadu 2000:286).
2.10 CONCLUSION
Female circumcision is practiced in societies where a number of cultural elements are present, such as behavioural norms, custom rituals and other particular beliefs. Justifications for this practice are multiple and reflect the ideological and historical situation in which it has developed. Female circumcision is a practice is embedded in complex socio-cultural and religious configurations. The subject of female circumcision has been buried in secrecy and taboo for several centuries; it has only been brought to the surface recently by feminists, health practitioners and social scientists, elicting reactions of horror and condemnation from the west. A failure to recognize the complexity and sensitiveness of the issue widened the gap between feminist movements and those of the third world.

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
3.0 INTRODUCTION
Methodology illustrates the choices undertaken in the process of carrying out an inquiry. Silverman (2005:99) defined methodology as, “choices we make about the cases to study, methods of data gathering and other forms of data analysis in planning and executing a research study,” while Somekh and Lewin (2005) link methodology to rules followed in an inquiry.
3.1 RESEARCH PARADIGM
This inquiry is exploratory, descriptive and qualitative in nature. The method used for this study is qualitative research through a case study design. This research design entails the detailed and intensive analysis of a single case. Silverman (2005:99) states that a case study is a design that includes both the qualitative approach, such as observations and interviews, as well as quantitative approaches in terms of secondary data. For the examination of female circumcision and the secretiveness surrounding the practice, this requires a qualitative approach since it can go deeper into a problem, which can further on be put into a larger context. However, a quantitative approach will also be needed in this study since it relies on previous research done on female circumcision. Previous research can help to contribute to findings of materials about the secretiveness surrounding the practice of female circumcision. Through the qualitative approach, the researcher is given an opportunity to let the informants’ control what information can be given, and in that way the researcher can find information that he did not consider before (:99)
The researcher chooses the qualitative approach because he seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the secretive nature of this practice, endeavouring to bring out the feelings, perceptions and opinions of the people. This thesis seeks to explore the subjective understanding of social reality rather than statistical description or generalized ideas. Blaikie (2000:251) states that qualitative research is committed to viewing the social world: social action and events from the view point of the people being studied; that is discovering their socially constructed reality and penetrating the frames of meaning within which they conduct their activities.
3.1.1 A Qualitative Approach
Baxter and Jack (2008:56) contend that qualitative research aims to get a better understanding through first-hand experience, truthful reporting, and quotations of actual conversations. It aims to understand how the participants derive meaning from their surroundings, and how their meaning influences their behavior. Qualitative research’ is an umbrella term for a broad range of different approaches and methods, which vary considerably in terms of focus, assumptions about the nature of knowledge and the role of the researcher.
Despite their diversity, Mason (2002: 3) describes qualitative research approaches as all having the following in common: 1. Being grounded in an ‘interpretivist’ position This means that they are concerned with how the phenomena of interest are interpreted, understood, experienced, produced or constituted. 2. Based on research methods which are flexible and sensitive to social context. 3. Based on analytic methods that take account of complexity, detail and context.

3.1.2 The Assumptions of Qualitative Designs
According to Baxter and Jack (2008:57), the following are the assumptions of qualitative research designs: 1. Qualitative researchers are concerned primarily with process, rather than outcomes or products. 2. Qualitative researchers are interested in how people make sense of their lives, experiences, and their structures of the world. 3. The qualitative researcher is the primary instrument for data collection and analysis. Data are mediated through this human instrument, rather than through inventories, questionnaires, or machines. 4. Qualitative research involves fieldwork. The researcher physically goes to the people, setting, site, or institution to observe or record behavior in its natural setting. 5. Qualitative research is descriptive in that the researcher is interested in process, meaning, and understanding gained through words or pictures. 6. The process of qualitative research is inductive in that the researcher builds abstractions, concepts, hypotheses, and theories from details.
3.1.3 Characteristics of the Qualitative Approach Qualitative research takes an inductive approach and its methods were developed in the social sciences to enable researchers to study social and cultural phenomena. According to Yin (1994:4), there is no universally accepted definition of qualitative research, although it is accepted that data collected during qualitative research activities is usually not numerical. Qualitative approaches to research are based on a "world view" which is holistic and is characterised by not having a single reality. Reality is based upon perceptions that are different for each person and change over time. What we know has meaning only within a given situation or context. Yin (1994:4) states that a range of terms is employed to indicate that the approach to research being used is qualitative; these include holistic, naturalistic, ethnographic, constructivist and interpretive. One significant difference between qualitative and quantitative research approaches is that no intervention, or control group is used in qualitative research. The key features of qualitative research are that: It is not based upon numerical measurements and does not use numbers and statistical methods as key research indicators and tools. Instead, it uses words as the unit of analysis and often takes an in-depth, holistic or rounded approach to events/issues/case studies. Secondly, it tends to be associated with description (:5). It tends to be associated with small-scale studies and a holistic perspective, often studying a single occurrence or small number of occurrences/case studies in great depth. It does not investigate causal hypotheses, instead developing and testing theories as part of an on-going process. It is associated with researcher involvement, with the researcher acting as a measurement tool. It is commonly associated with emergent research design, using a wide range of approaches and analyses in a fashion that is sometimes impossible to replicate; however, this does not invalidate the research (Yin 1994:34).A common perception of qualitative research is that the emphasis is on discovery rather than proof. Examples of qualitative research methods are: action research, case study, grounded theory, historical methods and ethnography (:35).3.2 CASE STUDY DESIGNFor purposes of this research, a case study design was preferred as it is a research strategy that investigates a phenomenon within its real context.Eisenhardt (1989:548) says that case studies are:“Particularly well suited to new research areas or research areas for which existing theory seems inadequate. This type of work is highly complementary to incremental theory building from normal science research. The former is useful in early stages of research on a topic or when a fresh perspective is needed, whilst the latter is useful in later stages of knowledge” 3.2.1 What is a Case StudyBaxter and Jack (2008:554) state that a case study is a research method that allows for an in- in-depth examination of events, phenomena, or other observations within a real-life context for purposes of investigation, theory development and testing, or simply a tool for learning. A Case study is an empirical inquiry, in which focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context & boundaries between phenomenon and its context are not clearly evident. The case study method is amongst the most flexible of research designs, and is particularly useful in researching issues related to sustainability and institutional systems. It incorporates a number of data-gathering strategies such as document analysis, surveys, participant or non-participant observation, and participatory or action research.3.2.2 When to use a Case Study ApproachAccording to Yin (1994) a case study design should be considered when: (a) the focus of the study is to answer “how” and “why” questions; (b) you cannot manipulate the behaviour of those involved in the study; (c) you want to cover contextual conditions because you believe they are relevant to the phenomenon under study; or (d) the boundaries are not clear between the phenomenon and context.3.2.3 Process of conducting a Case Study The process for conducting case study research follows the same general process as is followed for other research: plan, collect data, analyse data, and disseminate findings. A case study describes a difficult problem, and in this case, of a sensitive nature, it must study and describe an actual, not hypothetical situation. For this reason, the researcher should avoid alterations of the real narrative (Yin 1994).3.2.4 Selection of Participants The informants who took part in the study were purposively selected because either they had undergone the practice of female circumcision, or they were personally affected by the practice in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs.3.2.5 QuestionnairesQuestionnaires were distributed to 40 participants, consisting of six semi-structured open ended questions. The advantages of using questionnaires is that they are practical, large amounts of information can be collected from a large number of people in a short period of time and in a relatively cost effective way. The results of the questionnaires can usually be quickly and easily quantified by either a researcher or through the use of a software package.The questions were mainly about what female circumcision is, why is it practiced, how is the practice perceived in the community, and whether there are any changes in attitudes as regards to this practice.3.3 DATA COLLECTION METHODSBecause of the sensitivity of the issue, an initial, cautious feasibility study was carried out. This involved meeting local community leaders to elaborate questions for the interview guide. Feasibility studies are recommended in the design and early testing of a research approach in order to provide clues about likely success and about ways to strengthen or modify the research, as well as to provide methodological guidance. 3.3.1 Methods EmployedA hallmark of case study research is the use of multiple data sources, a strategy that also enhances data credibility (Yin, 1994). Unique in comparison to other qualitative approaches, within case study research, investigators can collect and integrate quantitative survey data, which facilitates reaching a holistic understanding of the phenomenon being studied. Choosing methods that empower the researcher and researched is important because they allow for a deeper understanding and the complexities and challenges the unequal power relations (Limb and Dwyer 2001). Interviews, focus group discussions and reviewing of existing data and questionnaires were used.Key informant interviews helped bring out the perceptions, feelings, attitudes and experiences of both the women and girls who have or have not undergone the practice of female circumcision. Focus group discussions were specifically employed to the female informants who had been involved and were knowledgeable in the practice of female circumcision. The challenge with focus group discussions was that not all informants in the focus group discussions participated equally. However, probing was employed as much as possible. Participant observation, narratives and the researcher’s own assessment applied to this research. Notes were also used as the respondents told their stories.The interviews were unstructured, allowing for spontaneity and for questions to develop during the course of the interview. However, key questions had been formulated in advance. 3.3.2 Secondary DataSecondary information was used to gather information on the practice of female circumcision. A number of reports and publications from various UN documents and relevant literature were used. As Stewart (1984:14) argues, secondary data provides a comparative tool for the research. This helped to compare existing data with raw data for purposes of examining differences or trends. However, the limitation of using secondary data is that such information may be collected for purposes different from the current research. 3.3.3 The Phenomenological ApproachAlso known as the narrative approach, this approach is based on the assumption that the life world of a person can be best understood from his or her own account and perspective, and “thus the focus is on individual subjective definition and experience of life (Neuman 1997:22). This approach uses field texts, such as stories, autobiography, journals, field notes, letters, conversations, interviews, family stories, photos (and other artefacts), and life experience, as the units of analysis to research and understand the way people create meaning in their lives as narratives. Education researchers Clandinen and Connelly (2000) emphasize the dynamic and dialogical nature of narrative research in their definition; “Narrative inquiry is a way of understanding experience. It is collaboration between researcher and participants, over time, in a place or series of places, and in social interaction with milieus. An inquirer enters this matrix in the midst and progresses in this same spirit, concluding the inquiry still in the midst of living and telling, reliving and retelling, the stories of the experience that make up people’s lives, both individual and social. Simply stated…narrative inquiry is stories lived and told”. The researcher chose the narrative approach because it allows an individual to present a story in which events and incidents are presented sequentially. The narrative approach allows flexibility of using a number of useful techniques either singly or simultaneously. 3.4 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF DATA Hamersley (1992:67) in Silverman (2001:225) explains that reliability refers to the degree of consistency with which instances are assigned to the same category by different observers. To produce reliable results, credible qualitative research methods like interviews, Focus Group Discussions and literature review were used in the inquiry.3.5 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Ethics are moral codes that are meant to be followed while doing research. They are binding hence need to be adhered to irrespective of the circumstances surrounding the research; they remind us of our responsibilities to the people being researched (May 1997:54). According to Faden and Beauchamp (1986) participants can make informed decisions only if they have substantial understanding and adequate apprehension of the research. Informants were asked of their free will to take part in the research without forcing or coercing them after informing them of the purpose of the inquiry. The option to withdrawing from the research was also explained to the informants.It is important for researchers to keep the information they get confidential especially for issues that are sensitive. Anonymity was important because this is a sensitive topic and it is quite controversial whichever way one looks at it, it is embarrassing and causes a lot of discomfort to talk about in public. For the above reason, May (1997:55) emphasizes that confidentiality and anonymity of research participants must be honoured unless there are clear overriding reasons to do otherwise.‟‟ One other ethical issue that was considered was the Do no harm principle. Researchers should avoid inflicting harm to their informants. This should be based on the degree of risk as well as the weight of the consequences that may flow from the research, (Israel and Hay 2006). Researchers must act in the best interest of their informants. This principle was observed by trying to formulate questions to participants that would not cause stress, anxiety or bring suffering to the participants.3.6 CONCLUSIONIn summary, the methodology used in this research is a case study based on qualitative research. This method, involves a number of data collection instruments as identified above. This approach was the most suitable in delineating the reasons why a shroud of secrecy surrounds the practice of female circumcision among women and girls in Mabvuku-Tafara. During the interview process and focus group discussion, field notes were taken. At the end of each day, time was taken to look at the data collected and reflect on it. Data collected was read over and over again and arranged in themes according to the research questions outlined in chapter one. This is what Holsti (1969) calls content analysis while Baxter (1991) calls this interpretative content analysis. |

CHAPTER 4
RESEARCH FINDINGS AND PRESENTATION
4.0 INTRODUCTION
The findings in this dissertation are based on an analysis of the research materials collected. The researcher reviewed and organized the notes from all interviewers according to the objectives and themes of the research and selected the quotations and examples judged to be representative of the information collected.
This chapter focuses on four matters that are critical to this study. These are: (i) to establish the reasons why female circumcision remains a taboo subject, particularly in this era of modernity, (ii) to discover the reasons as to why this practice has been retained and is being perpetuated despite efforts to publicize its deleterious effects, (iii) to elucidate some of the reasons practitioners cite as benefits of female circumcision and (iv) to establish the local community’s perception of female genital circumcision.
This chapter discusses the custom of female circumcision and attempts to present a perspective that departs from most literature on the subject that focuses on medical concerns, violation of human rights and political commitment to abolish the practice. The analytical approach of this study is a contextualized inquiry that refers to socio-cultural specificities of female circumcision. It will examine the specific reasons why this practice has remained largely secretive among women and girls in Mabvuku-Tafara. These findings mainly focus on the practice of labia elongation, since it is the most prevalent in this area.

4.1 BACKGROUND
The practice of elongating the labia minora, which young girls start performing before menarche is a rite of passage that identifies a woman, and one of its main purposes is to enhance sexual pleasure for both male and female partners. The conditions in which it is practiced involve certain physical health risks. In this qualitative study carried out in Mabvuku and Tafara, six semi-structured key informant interviews were conducted. They included two elderly women, namely Gogo Mugwagwa and Mbuya Zhou, who are the ‘aunties’ and are responsible for preparing girls in sexual and reproductive issues, who were interviewed to describe the proper way of conducting this practice.
Two married women who have undergone labia elongation, Chipo Dengeza and another, simply preferring to be called Stella, a seventeen-year-old girl, a secondary school graduate who has just undergone the practice named Amina, a forty-two year old man, Johnson, who has a wife who has undergone labia elongation complete the list of six key informant interviewees. The researcher held one focus group discussion at Gogo Mugwagwa’s residence where eight women availed themselves for discussion on the subject. A semi-structured questionnaire, with six open questions, was designed (Appendix 2) for men in Mabvuku-Tafara, randomly sampled among the male population of these suburbs. The one qualifying criteria was that they had to be heterosexually experienced men, irrespective of their marital status. These questionnaires were distributed to forty (40) men. Twenty-two responses were collected. It was Gogo Mugwagwa and Mbuya Zhou who introduced us to some of these men, saying to us that they knew them to have knowledge about this practice that would be helpful to this research. Also included in the findings are excepts extracted from a radio programme Dzepabonde, aired on November 27, 2013, titled kudhonza matinji (pulling the labia) by Tilda Moyo.
According to Gay (1986:45), initiation rites vary from community to community. However, they follow a general pattern. The first step is the separation of a group of adolescent novices from their usual surroundings to be secluded in an isolated place away from the community. There, they will be tested and taught by elders. The testing usually involves demonstrating physical endurance, mental strength, and intelligence. It is often the time when males are circumcised and females undergo labia elongation. They must undergo the whole operation without showing any sign of fear. Failure to demonstrate fortitude would bring shame and dishonour to them and their family (:46). 5.2 UNDERSTANDING FEMALE CIRCUMCISION IN MABVUKU-TAFARA.
The research’s six key informant interviews offered evidence that labia elongation is a long term tradition in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs. This new interesting insight became apparent, the fact that labia elongation (kudhonza) is the most prevalent form of female circumcision. According to Mbuya Zhou, a 63 year old circumciser, this initiation process does not involve the cutting of anything on the female genitalia, but simply the pulling of the inner flesh lips, the labia minora. This manual manipulation can sometimes be aided by small physical weights.
Gogo Mugwagwa alludes to this fact saying that mukadzi haachekwi, which is to say that no cutting is involved in this process. Mbuya Zhou states that this practice is an initiation rite that imparts sex education, counselling and preparation of young girls for womanhood and marriage. Aunts and other mature women in the community traditionally conduct this initiation. The older women are responsible for transmission of sexual knowledge and acceptable sexual practices to young women and girls. The sexual preparation of the female body mainly involved teaching girls how to elongate their inner labia as a rite of passage into womanhood. Through this socialisation process, girls acquired knowledge and skills and their attitudes and values towards sexual relationships were constructed. In Mbuya Zhou’s own words, kuraira nekudzidzisa chete, (it is advising and teaching only), in matters relating to self-control, respect for elders, submission and obedience to the husband. Mrs Bandason, a focus group participant, alludes to the fact that vana namukunga, the aunties, ndivana chipangamazano, that is to say they are advisors who teach the girls how to please the husband, particularly on the marriage bed.
Traditionally, this culture is considered sexually important in a number of ways. The elongated labia minora act as a door to the vagina. “It is from the vagina that a woman gets all they want in life. You are therefore supposed to keep it as sacred as you would look after your home. You never leave you home open all the time”, elaborates Mrs Bandason.
Gogo Mugwagwa states that men usually complain that mandipa duri risina mutswi, that is to say that this woman has not had her labia stretched. According to Mbuya Zhou, kapenzura kanopera nekudhonzwa (the clitoris disappears, retracting into the labial folds) for it is an obstruction during the sex act (kanobaya murume). Moreover, that keeping one’s clitoris intact is considered as belonging to a “third gender” that does not exist, and because of this physiological ambiguity, it was deemed necessary to do away with the organ that represents the opposite sex as a mechanism of sexual identification with others of one’s sex. This however, does not involve cutting away anything, the simple acts of stretching and pulling of the labia minora over a period of about a month, with the use of special substances such as oils, such as chiuno (a special mixture of ghee and dried potato leaves) and herbs were enough to ensure that the clitoris disappeared.
When this is done, the elders explain to the initiates that they will use their newfound sexuality with their husbands and they incorporate chikapa (The female sexual responses during intercourse, which may range from how to touch a man to how to gyrate her hips and pelvis rhythmically and systematically in response to the man’s thrusts). Mai Zulu, a mother of four, told the focus group of the mubiya mhondoro training, that is, the training of girls using sharp thorns that are placed on the ground facing upwards, and the initiates are to lie on their shoulders with their backs above the thorns, gyrating their hips as the aunties apply pressure to their lower backs, simulating a man’s thrusts.
The researcher interviewed a mother of three children, Stella, who is 43 years old and underwent labia elongation when she was thirteen in the eighties. Her husband passed away in December 2012, and she is quick to point out that this interview would not have been possible had her husband been alive. Stella, based in the Bhobho area of Tafara, has counselled many women on the issue of labia elongation, and compares not having elongated labia to having a house without a door or curtains. She states that no one would like to visit such a house since it does not look beautiful and inviting. For Stella, this practice is important for becoming an adult with a mature character. As she adds, uncircumcised women remain childish and it becomes difficult for them to find a husband to marry. She complains that her daughter refuses to undergo labia elongation because of modern education. “Probably this practice will die out in her culture”, she bemoaned. Although Stella defends the initiation rite, she believes that labia elongation will disappear because of the inevitable culture change, arguing that they would not force young girls today to be circumcised if they do not want to.
Chipo, a 37-year-old vegetable vendor, was more explicit in her descriptions. She recalls actually enjoying the experience of pulling at first, but she was later told by one of the aunties that she had been pulling the wrong part, kabhinzi, she calls it, referring to the clitoris. “My current boyfriend loves them. I have met men who get excited just looking at them,” she boasts. During intercourse, she adds, these elongated lips tickle the penis as it gets in and gently squeezes it as it pulls out. To men, this is a blissful spice up. To women, Chipo states that unopinda denga rechinomwe (it evokes heavenly feelings) as the penis titillates the sensitive lips during inward and outward movements. This titillation stimulates the woman to reach orgasm or even multiple orgasms faster, a level of excitement that some women hardly experience because of the inexperience of their spouses.
The practice of girls assisting each other in pulling the inner labia was, according to Chipo, a way of ensuring that girls did the pulling. For starters, Chipo adds, pulling the lips can be a bit painful. However, by no means does this constitute torture, as some foreign writers would want us to believe. During such sessions, they even competed, she says, about who had the longest labia and this would encourage others to do more pulling. Because of the competition that girls got into in terms of the length of their labia, some girls found themselves resorting to dangerous measures to get the desirable length. Chipo recalls one girl in her group, who, eager to please the aunties, tied a piece of string to the labia and attached a stone to the string to assist with the pulling. She tied a headscarf around each thigh so that the stone would not cause friction on her inner thighs as she did her daily chores. Unfortunately for her, the string got in too deep into the skin and severed a part of the labia.
The young woman interviewed, Amina, a seventeen-year-old girl repeating her Ordinary level studies, underwent labia elongation in 2011 when she was fourteen years old, at the instigation of her maternal aunt. She discussed the procedure in depth as being painful. She had thought the circumcision to be a happy occasion and was singing up to the time they heard the groans of the other girls who were being elongated before her. She described the secluded bushy area as gloomy and unfriendly. She recalls one girl in her group who had used the wrong herbs because she had been told that they would make her labia grow faster. “It was funny because they really grew”, she laughed. However, Amina says that they became swollen and had developed a nasty rash. A terrible smell ensued and had to go to the hospital.
The fact that most of the pulling happened unsupervised left room for girls to make mistakes that could affect their health negatively as exemplified in some of these experiences. It is also possible that the silence surrounding the practice of labial elongation could have led to the lack of clarity on what to use as lubricant. Apart from this, some of the interviewees like Chipo talk of the negative comments and beatings they usually got from the aunties if they were found lacking in terms of elongating their labia. They were not allowed to sleep at night until they had practiced for a certain amount of time. In Amina’s own words:
“What I hated most was showing every adult woman my genitals. I felt like I did not own my body anymore and that it was for somebody else and I was just preparing it for that person. Sometimes I refused to show the women and I would be severely reprimanded and even beaten. I really hated that”. 5.3 LABIA ELONGATION – TECHNIQUE AND MEANING (KUDHONZA.)
Labia elongation or genital stretching in Mabvuku and Tafara begins just after the girl has her first menstrual period. Girls are expected to succeed in elongating their labia minora up to a minimum of one and a half inches long before getting married. They refer to this practice as pulling out (kudhonza), for they consider that it is vulgar to name the female genitalia and instead use a wide range of metaphors.
According to Gogo Mugwagwa, the traditional way for girls to acquire the skill of labial elongation is to send her to the homes of vana namukunga (the aunties). It must be noted though that these aunties are in no way related to these girls. The aunties are traditional mentors, mature and elderly women in the community whose role is to inculcate in the young girls a wide body of values, behaviours, duties and sexual issues. As soon as a girl reaches puberty, the aunt starts preparing her for marriage. How to prepare food, sit properly, conduct herself and how to practice kudhonza are some of the issues taught. Erotic instruction is an important component of those teachings (chikapa). The aunties’ foster elongation of labia minora because they consider that it is a cultural rite. The aunties convince the young girls and women that elongated labia will enhance their physical pleasure if touched during sexual foreplay. The girls are also warned that men could reject them if they do not conform. Thus, these girls engage in kudhonza over a period of several weeks in order to make themselves marriageable and enhance their sexual lives.
According to one of the focus group participants, Esnath, the elongation is done daily, generally early in the morning and at sundown, and in discrete places. The labia are elongated individually or sometimes in a group of girls pulling each other’s labia. Esnath, a nurse by profession states, “They pull each other in order not to feel pain, amongst friends, one in front of the other, and they pull each other at the same time for thirty minutes every day. Only the unmarried girls pull each other, when they are young”
The elongation process may take several months, until the ideal length of three to four centimetres is reached. Feminine beauty is thus evaluated by the presence or absence of the matinji (labia minora) and by their length. If they are too short, the woman is considered “lazy,” but when they are too long, they “can drain water” in the vagina. According to the interviewees, the right size of the lips allows the vagina’s dampness to be drained and ideal vaginal dryness to be obtained. A female traditional healer, Mrs Chipunza, summarises this idea well: “When the matinji are very long water comes out, because they perspire. When they are average, they absorb water at the time of sex, the man doesn’t feel that there’s water, because of those matinji. If she doesn’t have them, the water fills up nekuti ringori gomba, (because it’s only a hole)”
According to the aunties consulted (Mbuya Zhou and Gogo Mugwagwa), men are never involved in this teaching. Kudhonza is practised out of view from men. It often takes place in a clearing in the bush during school recess, usually during the August school break. According to Amina who underwent the practice in 2011, the girls lie down on a blanket or directly on the ground. The aunties teach them how to initiate stretching and which herbs to use. The young girls then return in pairs or in groups to the bush, so that they can assist each other. This can also take place in enclosed areas (at home, in the bathroom, in bed, on a chair).
To soften the labia minora, the aunties employ herbs that they can find in the rural areas, which they keep in bulk for future use. Potato leaves are also used. Besides traditional herbs, some moisturising creams can be useful aids for kudhonza. Furthermore, the girls use dust, soil or ashes to prevent their fingers from sliding off the swollen and frail labia minora. If the labia start swelling and bleeding, which can happen especially when using certain herbs, the girls use banana leaves to hold their labia.
There are a number of risks associated with Kudhonza, given that the practice takes place in the bush, where girls assist each other in groups and employ corrosive caustic herbs and other contaminated elements such as dust or soil from the bush or ashes from the fireplace. These risks include pain, which can be very stinging as others describe, swelling, bleeding and neurosensitivity due to a high concentration of sensory nerves in the labia.
4.4 WHY IS IT SHROUDED IN SECRECY?
According to Gogo Mugwagwa, secrecy in conducting this practice is well indispensable. The secrecy in which this practice of labia elongation is wrapped not only enhances its power by confining the knowledge to a limited circle, but also casts a glamour round it. The secrecy makes female circumcision more formidable. Rites of initiation imply a certain level of separation from the outside world. It is a certain affiliation to a new world. It involves separation from the ‘profane’ world. The separated person becomes a taboo, a danger to those who do not share their sanctity. Gogo Mugwagwa states that such a powerful practice haibvumirwi kunanikwa sechimera, munozvifumura (it has to be done secretively, otherwise you will expose yourselves). Gogo Mugwagwa asserts that there are spiritual reasons for this practice; girls must die to their child self in order to be reborn into an adult self, one characterized by greater knowledge of the world, deeper consciousness, insight, wisdom, sex, family life and procreation. This is an individual process and those undergoing initiation must take a vow of secrecy. It is a taboo topic not to be discussed with the uncircumcised. “Chawanzwa ne chawaona pfimbika mudundundu, dundundu ipfimbi usine kaburi, chawanzwa nechawadzidza pfigira mumwoyo, usaite sedare rinoti ngwengwengwe!” When you hear something, keep it to yourself, do not go on sounding like a ringing bell.
Mrs Bandason, a primary health caregiver at a local clinic says that we are mistaken if we regard the secretive process of undergoing circumcision as truly secret. She states that nowadays, with matters once reserved for the bedroom to be found on television every evening, nothing about this practice can really be called secretive in a strict sense of the term. A major reason she alluded as to why secrecy is advocated for is that the knowledge and teachings imparted at these ceremonies are invaluable, and should be taken with high regard. “We leave many inexpensive items lying carelessly about our homes and offices, whereas truly valuable items are kept locked in safe deposit boxes or other repositories, or are carried with us at all times”. She gave the analogy about an important document that went missing and many hiding places were searched for the document; but having been left in plain view, it was overlooked as worthless. Since knowledge, per se, cannot be locked up physically, keeping it secret is the method used to restrict its circulation and preserve its integrity.
Gogo Mugwagwa states that if the teachings of the aunties were made available to anyone as a matter of routine, it would indicate to both initiates and outsiders that we attach only a modest value to them. Instead, as Mbuya Zhou adds, our ancestors and others before us spent centuries of effort keeping the truths of these initiations a secret and passing them down the generations by memory. This should convince both initiates and outsiders alike that what we have laboured so hard to possess is valuable indeed.
Gogo Mugwagwa contends that secrecy is an integral characteristic of individuals and groups. Within each of our families, we have information that is ours privately and is not the business of outsiders. The breadwinner's salary, children's problems at school, the happy experiences of courtship, and the contents of one's last will –all are things we naturally choose to keep within the bosom of the family and would not care to have made public. Mbuya Zhou, speaking in her characteristic teaching tone, states that a further motivation for maintaining secretiveness is that it promotes a form of mental self-discipline. There is a natural urge to share what we know with others. Gossiping and idle conversation consume more hours than perhaps any other human pastime.
The use of mishonga (powerful herbal concoctions), usually leaves, roots, and dried and pounded tree bark (reduced to a powder) is another reason why this practice is done secretively. Concoctions such as mushonga wekusimbisa musana (herbs for endurance during the sex act), kutunga chuma, herbs that are mixed with beads which are later sawn together and worn around the waist, which are said to cause an unexplained attractiveness on the woman or girl wearing them, a sexual appeal of a sort, Chikaka nyini, herbs that are used to tighten the vagina, mvana inoita kunge mhandara (a mother will appear to be a virgin) as Gogo Mugwagwa asserts, explaining that a wide vagina is considered a serious problem, as the vagina is ideally “narrow and hot.”. Such herbs, as Mrs Chipunza reiterates, are very powerful and can be extremely dangerous if they fall into the wrong hands, hence the secrecy is a form of protection.
The influence of western culture and norms on the youth of today was cited by most interviewees as one of the major reasons why certain cultural practices such as this one have become secretive. Some young women of today treat these issues as superstitions of a time far back with no place in today’s dynamic society. Hence, as Mbuya Zhou posits, Hatishambadzi basa iri, anedambudziko anotitsvaka tobatsirana (women who really need help will approach us).
Secretiveness, as we learn from these two women, Gogo Mugwagwa and Mbuya Zhou, thus is seen to be no mere idle device, such as those secrets with which children may share their playmates. Rather, it serves numerous purposes, most importantly to benefit the individual member. The initiates gain from secrecy a sense of the value of what they have come to learn, and learn the lessons better and develop worthwhile mental resources from the discipline of keeping the details of these initiations private.
Secrecy, thus is not merely an ancient tradition, according to these two informants, it is a vital characteristic of the valuable teachings that are meant to be cherished and protected. Mbuya Zhou stresses that there is nothing wrong with each initiate or aunt talking about the initiation process with his family and friends, and with his colleagues and acquaintances, but there is every reason to expect that each initiate will honour their promise to keep those legitimate initiation secrets with which they have been entrusted.
Gogo Mugwagwa even went as far as quoting the scriptures, particularly Matthew 7:6, saying that the bible and even Jesus himself encouraged secrecy and that is why he taught mainly in parables. This, she interprets, was because secretiveness was a way of preserving this information for posterity. Nothing in this world is hidden, she adds, some things are simply veiled from us simply because they are too valuable to be thrown around, ndiko kupa maparera kunguruve (throwing pearls to the pigs).
Mai Chipunza, a traditional healer, also talks of mhiko, (sacred vows) which the initiates perform in order to maintain silence about what transpires during these ceremonies. Vows here are regarded as sacred; violating a vow unleashes the wrath of the ancestors who are the custodians of these traditions. Premature death, inability to conceive, failure to get married, rejection in the matrimonial home are some of the consequences said to befall those who break these sacred vows. An element of fear is sometimes instilled in these girls, such as that of saying that your labia will fall off and the hens will peck at it, or that men will regard you as loose or as a prostitute. Initiates are sometimes made to eat mutombo (herbal concoctions) mixed in porridge, kusimbisa hana (to strengthen their resolve to remain silent).
…zviera zvaizobatsira pakutyisidzira tsvuuramuromo kuti dzikaita zvairambidzwa dzaizowirwa nematambudziko akaita sourwere, urema kana ndufu.
…taboos helped in that they instilled fear in would-be deviants that if they misbehaved misfortunes such as illnesses, deformities or death would befall them (Chigidi2009:174).

4.5 CULTURAL JUSTIFICATIONS
Initiation is traditionally a source of pride and pleasure marking the coming of age or transition to womanhood for groups of girls. However, rites of passage are important in delineating when a girl should start thinking of herself as a woman, when she should start carrying herself as a woman, when the community should start respecting her as a woman, and when she should start shouldering the responsibilities of a woman. Lacking these important markers, many young women today behave like children, so says Gogo Mugwagwa.
4.6 BENEFITS
Mbuya Zhou argues that the elongated labia (matinji) are a great visual aid to the man and are very sensitive to any stimulation. They are regarded as precious embellishments that only come through some special effort (kudhonza). Panoita kunge ruva rinofukidza buri (petals of flower beautifying the vagina, covering it like a curtain), demonstrating that labia elongation has an aesthetic appeal to the men. Mbuya Zhou calls this process modifying and beautifying the genitals – that is adding value. Elongated labia are perceived to facilitate orgasm and female ejaculation, and are considered to enhance sexual pleasure for both partners. Johnson, a 42-year-old bar tender admits that the sight of dangling labia on his wife arouses him; though at first it appeared ‘weird’, yaiita kunge twumidzonga twenyama (they looked like biltong)
Clara, a 27-year-old maid, says that her husband has become very possessive with her, avakuchengera uye anoda kuita pese pese, (demands sex regularly). She says she began to use chikaka nyini, herbs meant to tighten the virginal orifice, after the birth of her second child, and her husband has welcomed this new development with pleasure. When asked whether she feels uncomfortable with the labia hanging when she walks around, Clara answered “no, they feel normal to me. But they do interfere in certain situations. I am scared of zips due to a past incident, aside from that I am ok with my stretched vaginal lips. During sex, they are pulled into my vagina. I love how they feel, I can even hang weights on them and, when wearing a skirt, I walk about with my lips fully stretched swaying with each step I take. It feels good to feel that little extra pull as the weights swing and no one knows unless a big gust of wind blows”
Mbuya Zhou stresses the fact that the practice of labial stretching does not violate women's rights, in that it does not involve physical violence, unless the woman is misled as to the benefits of the practice. She points out that the practice of labia stretching itself does not precipitate sexually transmitted infections (including HIV), stating that such infections generally occur later in life through sexual activity.
Other benefits cited by Mbuya Zhou are that the elongated labia keep the vagina warm. Long inner lips stretching to the opening of the vagina, she says, serve as a blanket that keeps the warmth of the sexual organ intact. Mbuya Zhou described these lips as “doors that close” the vagina and keep its temperature at enjoyable levels. Masinda, a mother of three, says that “murume haadyiswi, donza matinji ukake nyini tione kana akabuda mumba” (stretch the labia and tighten the vagina and let us see if he will run after other women).
Mbuya Zhou posits that among the reasons gender activists are attuned to labelling this practice harmful and advocating for its banning maybe due to their assimilation into the western culture of individualism that is opposed to our culture that prizes communal ideals of belonging together. She feels strongly on this subject saying that we sometimes have a tendency to accept western standards as the norm, shunning our own cultures without much investigation other than the fact that it seems primitive. Vana havachina tsika, Mbuya Zhou laments, that is to say that children today are not cultured. She cites this reason as the chief cause of the death of morals among our children today.
Mai Chipunza also states that elongated labia give a woman control over her own sexuality, and she can even prevent rape or unwanted intercourse. She says “kana zvidhori zvakareba, zvinopetwa zvopfekerwa mukati, murume haapindi kana mukadzi asina kuzvitendera” when the labia are stretched and are long enough, they can be folded and tucked into the vagina, and no man can enter her if she does not allow him!.
“Women who ‘visit the bush’ (undergo labia elongation) also protect themselves from sexual harassers. Rape becomes impossible if a woman did visit the bush. A man cannot fit their sex organ into a woman, let alone a finger, unless she is willing to let him. Remember there is a door that she alone opens to let in anyone or anything”, she elaborates.
4.6.1 Excerpts gleaned from Radio program.
On November 27, 2013, Radio Zimbabwe aired a program titled kudhonza matinji (pulling the labia) on its weekly slot that airs programs that discuss sexual issues, anchored by Tilda Moyo. Avoiding infidelity and seeking to please the husband were some of the reasons cited for the practice. One woman who called in stated that just as women are particular about their looks, filling up salons every day of the week, getting their hair done, their nails, feet and so on, they ought to also take care of their genitals. “Some women who do not believe in this thing of pulling, they see their husbands going for another girl” adds the caller. “Mahure atipedzera varume nazvo zvinhu izvi” (prostitutes are stealing our men because they are well adorned and perform better).
Most men who called in testified to their love for zvidhori, (labia are refered to as dolls that men can play with) and even encouraged their partners to elongate. Most women said that they were now under pressure to elongate for fear that their husbands might run after other women. One woman, Mai Belson, lamented that her twenty-eight year old son, who had been happily married to a woman his age, suddenly left home to cohabit with a forty year old flea market vendor, defying all odds “mukadzi wake kamu salad kakanaka, anoshanda, akadzidza, asi unoona achipengeswa nechembere” his wife is beautiful, learned and works, and yet he runs after old women. Mai Belson was quick to admit that probably her beautiful daughter in law lacked in the bedroom department, and had it not been because of cultural constrains, she would have gladly advised her to do some ‘tugging and pulling’ down there.
Mai Reuben, a lawyer had this to say on the program:
“Labia is God given but it will take some effort to have matinji. Women who possess them are a dying breed of African women who are highly sexed, who know their anatomy and are very confident in the bedroom. Women with matinji (elongated labia) are full house. Not many men out there will care whether there is matinji or not and few have actually seen matinji. Of those that have seen them, half of them simply do not have a clue as to what to do with them. But believe me if he comes from you and he meets one with matinji his life will change forever”
A caller named Mai Chenge boosted of having nine centimeters long labia, and says that her husband is ever grateful. She was asked whether it was true that elongated labia can prevent a woman from sexual assault such as rape, to which she readily agreed. As to whether she thinks woman in today’s dynamic society will embrace such a practice, she bemoans “Vakadzi vanhasi vanoteta, twangova twumabroiler” (women today lack the spine to undergo such practices). She blames the ‘small house’ phenomenon equally on the wives who have not taken it upon themselves to learn sexual and erotic technique from the aunties. Kupinda mubedroom, vanongorara sematanda (in the bedroom, they lie like logs).

4.6.2 Overview of some of the benefits cited: anoyevedza nhengo,nhengo haizoiti kunge yekacheche | The visual effect on the men is highly stimulating -labia looks like petals of a flower beautifying the vagina. | Nhengo yemurume haingobudi-budi | They fully cover the penis and cause more friction during penetration | baba vanowanawo chekubata compared to buri or mwena | The man has something to play with during intercourse | Hapaite mvura kana mazichakwata | Causes more friction by limiting lubrication | anowedzera kunakidzwa kwemukadzi akabatwa or kunanzwa. | Pleasurable when touched | Anova mukadzi panevamwe | Enhances self-esteem in a woman | Ruzivo rwekufadza murume | Knowledge on how to please a man | Mukadzi haabinywi | Prevents rape and unwanted intercourse |

4.7 DEMERITS ACCORDING TO ANTI-CIRCUMCISION ACTIVISTS
Betty Makoni, a children and gender rights activist, states that what is harmful cannot be where one is cut only but it is also those practices like labia elongation where such delicate parts of the body are pulled out and where everyone believes there is a benefit for women and overlooking the many psychological and health issues a girl must deal with before she gets the labia out. She adds that it is a laborious and painful undertaking to change a short finger, leg, neck to a longer size. Equally, because there is so much pain there must be medical remedy like an anaesthetic. She shares her experience in the following narrative accessed from (muzvarebettymakoni.org).
“I personally experienced labia elongation at age eight and so did all girls I grew up with in my community of Chitungwiza whereby adult women forced us to open our tiny legs and then with their big fingers pulled out what they called labia. At age of eight, I had to be taught to pull my labia out in order to prepare for a future husband. Many other girls in my neighbourhood went through it and as I share it widely, I hear it looks like 90% of girls had to know at age eight that they must pull out their labia to please men in future”.
Girls who were 12 and above who came for labia elongation under supervision of older women had their labia pulled by the women during the first sessions as part of induction. The induction took weeks for girls with what they called “runda” meaning very hard flesh around the labia. The labia for some girls was very hard to find and pull out. Each session of labia pulling would last from six am till around nine am because no man was supposed to know this was happening. However, to be honest, some girls were never sure what they were pulling out because of the anatomy of the vagina with clitoris often confused for labia. None of the girls understood the vaginal anatomy to even know which part had what function. Many girls who attended sessions might have gotten the satisfaction that by merely attending and touching whatever part of the vagina the labia was thought to be. It was obviously great for their self-confidence. (Accessed from muzvarebettymakoni.org).
While supporters of labia minora elongation claim that it is a cultural practice that is aimed at increasing women’s sexual satisfaction, institutions like the WHO, health specialists, women’s rights activists, feminists and other groups condemn the practice, saying that – on the contrary – this practice lessens women’s sexual satisfaction. In particular, critics of the practice argue that stretching the labia minora reduces a woman’s sensitivity during sexual acts, stressing that the ‘more the labia minora is pulled the more the clitoris is shrunk and the clitoris eventually ends up receding inside the vagina, therefore reducing women’s chances of reaching sexual climax’. (Fekit 1996:112)
4.8 RESPONSES TO QUESTIONNAIRES
4.8.1 (i) Men’s perceptions of Labia Elongation (kudhonza)

4.8.1 (ii) Demography
Of the twenty-two men who responded to the questionnaires, their ages ranged from 26 to 66 years of age and all of them were engaged in heterosexual relationships. At the time of the interview, sixteen of these men were married, one was widowed, two were divorced, and the other three were single. Fourteen of them had daughters aged between 7 and 32. Ten of them had completed tertiary studies, another seven were local entrepreneurs involved in trades such as carpentry and tuck-shops, one is a primary school teacher, another is a retired army colonel, one is a kombi driver and another is a security guard.
4.8.1 (iii) General Perceptions
The interviewees identified the aunties’, the mother and the girls’ female peers as the persons in charge of guiding through the practice. There is variability in the perceived age of kudhonza. Most agreed that girls practise it between 8 and 18 years of age. Seven interviewees clarified that they should start before menstruation. Five men added that they have to stretch again after giving birth because at the moment of delivery the labia minora may shrink. Thomas, a 39-year-old graduate in Marketing, said that prostitutes have to stretch throughout their life because having long labia ‘makes them marketable’.
Regarding the aids employed in labial stretching, most men (17 interviewees) were aware of the use of local herbs: One man cited the use of ghee. One man described the use of tweezers in women who had to stretch once married. Twelve men named dust or soil and two identified ashes as elements to be smeared on the fingers in order to prevent sliding. Six interviewees described the expected length of the labia. Five agreed that 1.5 to 2 inches is the desired length. One explained that it used to be 3 inches; however, nowadays due to the tight underwear women wear, it is no longer practical. Another man clarified that it is the aunties who decide the appropriate length of the labia.
4.8.1 (iv) Reasons for engaging in Labia Elongation
Regarding the reasons for kudhonza, fitting into society and avoiding stigmatisation was cited only twice. The enhancement of both male and female sexual pleasure was stressed by all twenty-two men; fourteen alleged that girls must stretch their labia in order to get married. Lastly, Kenneth, a 29-year-old primary school teacher, added that stretched labia are associated with less suffering during childbirth. According to most respondents, men seek heat, sweetness, and friction when having sex “nyama pa nyama (flesh on flesh), because it is the most satisfactory. When a woman has a very lubricated vagina, her partner complains and may accuse her of having had another partner beforehand, or of not having “prepared” herself properly. If he is angry with the woman and if this partner is casual, he may even comment on this as a way of insulting her, or in the form of ridicule with his friends. As the elongated labia are said to ‘perspire’, water is not retained and friction is maintained.
4.8.1 (v) Dangers associated with Labia Elongation
Five men denied any dangers associated with kudhonza. Two of them indicated that not only there is no danger but that girls enjoy the process. One man, Baba Frank, a 42-year-old carpenter, explained that even though he did not know of any risks, he assumed there must be some given the lack of promotion of the practice by health organisations. They all did admit though that pain was the most common risk linked both with the practice of stretching itself and the use of herbs. Mdhara Ngozo, as he is affectionately known in Tafara, a 66-year-old retired army colonel, explained that it is more painful if the girl starts the process ‘late’.
Wounds and the risk of labial tearing was supported by five men, one of them, Michael, a 35 years old Kombi driver believing that labia minora can ‘re-germinate’ after being totally pulled out. Another man said that the use of ashes creates sores in the mucosa of the labia minora. Infection was a risk quoted by eight interviewees. Five men believed that HIV transmission is likely to happen by stretching. Kenneth, the 29-year-old teacher, cited syphilis and pelvic inflammatory disease as a possible complication. Ten men thought group assistance to be the cause of transmissible infection. Two men identified the presence of wounds in the labia minora as the entrance of pathogens. Six blamed the use of contaminated soil, dust and ashes and one said that infections might occur when they stretch with dirty hands and long nails. One man believed that girls are at risk of cancer secondary to the herbs, soil and dust. Finally, given that this practice is believed to enhance sexual pleasure, eight men believed that girls would engage into early sex encouraged by the sexual teachings they have received.

4.8.1 (vi) Are they comfortable with daughters undergoing Labia Elongation?
Of the fourteen men interviewed who have daughters, ten of them claimed that they are satisfied with their daughters practicing kudhonza. Nevertheless, two of these men admitted that they knew some of its risks and that they had a somewhat negative perception of the practice. Furthermore, they said they no longer thought the practice as culturally relevant. One man claimed that he would recommend that his daughters talk with their aunties’ about safety, but he would not teach them directly. One said that he would inform his daughter himself if he were the only one available to do it.
4.8.1 (vii) Male perception of sex with females with elongated labia.
The interviewees were asked whether they enjoyed more having sex with a woman with elongated labia minora rather than with one with natural labia. Seven men admitted that they could not answer because they never had sex with a woman who had not undergone kudhonza. Another two men claimed not to perceive any difference. Only one man, Michael, a 35 year old kombi driver, answered that he would prefer a woman who had not stretched her labia. His reason was that, since these girls are ‘more technical in that work . . . if the man is not strong enough in sex concerns, that woman can run into another men because you cannot satisfy her sexual desires that are very high!’. The remaining twelve said that they enjoy sex more with a woman who had stretched labia. Among these men, the expressions they used to define the genitalia of the women with normal labia minora are derogatory, describing their vaginas as being larger, colder, and open – gomba rinotonhora (a ‘big cold hole)’, ‘empty space’, ‘house without curtains’, as if ‘the cupboard is open’ or as a nhanga risina mhodzi (‘pumpkin without seeds’). The men complained that such vaginas anomara uye haadonhi mvura (‘brush’ and ‘do not spit water’). Having sex with these women was described as ‘like bathing in a basin’ or ‘like playing with my penis in a plastic cup’.
In contrast, narrower, tighter and warmer were the most used adjectives to denote the vaginas of women who practised kudhonza .Elongated labia minora were described as ‘car brakes’, as an ‘electric switch’ and, most often, as ‘doors’; ‘you first go and knock at that door’, varume havadi kungowira (‘men do not like to enter directly’). Some men claimed that elongated labia minora inobvumbamira (provide ‘support’ for the penis), guide it to enter the vagina, and ‘tickle’ it. Finally, the most esteemed aspect of kudhonza was the ability of touching the prominent labia minora with the fingers before the intercourse, as a way of ‘thanking her for doing this’, ‘putting her in the mood’ and ‘stimulating her’. Thus, the men felt, the women feel more sexual pleasure, reach orgasm and enhance the sexual experience for both parties involved.
4.8.1 (viii) Overview of Perceptions regarding labia Elongation LE – Labia Elongation

4.8.2 Control of Women’s’ Sexuality
Mdhara Ngozo, a 66-year-old retired army colonel shared an interesting new insight. He states that elongated inner labia made girls less sexually excitable because elongating forced the clitoris to retract into the labial folds. This practice, he says, was used to keep girls and women ‘good’. Thus, according to Mdhara Ngozo, the main reason behind inner labia elongation has been the need to control female sexuality. He goes on to allude to the fact that this is one of the reasons why this practice is secretive, uncircumcised girls are the ones prostituting all over. However, young girls at the initiations were not given this information. He states that in times past, women used labial elongation as contraception because it prevented girls from desiring and enjoying sex, since in those days, no other forms of contraception were available. Girls without elongated labia were seen as deviant.
4.9 CONCLUSION
The researcher feels that the six key informants, eight women in the focus group discussion and twenty-two men interviewed is a sample large enough to provide insights into socio-cultural specificities of female circumcision, namely labia elongation. Contrary to popular belief, female circumcision in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs does not involve the cutting or removal of any part of the female genitalia, it is simply the stretching and pulling of the inner fleshy lips, the labia minora. This practice, according to information delineated in this research, is an initiation rite that imparts sex education, counselling and preparation of young girls for womanhood and marriage. Elongated labia are perceived to facilitate orgasm and female ejaculation, and are considered to enhance sexual pleasure for both partners.
Secrecy in this practice, is no mere idle device, but serves numerous purposes, most importantly to benefit the individual member. A major reason as to why secrecy is important in this initiation rite is that the knowledge and teachings imparted at these ceremonies are invaluable, and should be taken with high regard. A further motivation cited for maintaining secretiveness is that it promotes a form of mental self-discipline, holding in high esteem communal ideals of belonging together. Thus, secrecy is a vital characteristic of the valuable teachings that are meant to be cherished and protected.

CHAPTER 5 Data Analysis, Recommendations and Conclusion
5.0 INTRODUCTION
Secrecy surrounding the traditional practice of labia elongation (kudhonza) has aroused in some people the curiosity to know what goes on in these initiation ceremonies. Secrecy breeds suspicion in popular, contemporary culture. The expressions of reservations, ignorance, misunderstanding and unnecessary condemnations of this social and cultural rite are manifest due to its secretive nature. There has been a lot of controversy and misinterpretation surrounding this practice in Mabvuku and Tafara. This chapter seeks to enumerate and analyse some of the reasons why the practice of kudhonza remains secretive as elucidated in the research findings. Pertinent recommendations are raised and a summary of the perceptions, knowledge and attitudes toward kudhonza are given in the conclusion.
5.1 AN ANALYSIS OF PERCEPTION OF SECRETIVENESS
In most African countries, open discussion of sexuality is socially discouraged, especially between adults and youths, except during traditional rites of passage conducted by non-parental adults. Sexuality has truly become a secretive and mysterious subject for many people. According to Chitando (2008:178), the mystification of this subject is a result of specific social processes, some of which the researcher seeks to enumerate as understood from the research’s findings.
5.1.1 Tradition and Religious Ideologies
In traditional African culture, sexuality is imbued with power, and numerous taboos govern its expression. There are two primary reasons for secrecy that have been deduced from this research’s findings. The first is to avoid profaning sacred knowledge. Knowledge in such practices as kudhonza is not always meant for everyone. It is a rite of initiation that implies a certain level of separation from the outside world, a certain affiliation to a new world. Such knowledge is sacred and should only be exposed to those who will properly respect it. It is wisdom hidden because of its sublime and immense value. A second reason, which can be regarded as a further motivation for maintaining secretiveness is that it promotes a form of mental self-discipline in the initiates.
According to Obafemi (1986:6) The reality of secret societies and some other societies that have secrets are unquestionable. The expressions of reservations, ignorance, misunderstanding and unnecessary condemnations of this social and religious heritage are manifest. The burden of secrecy in these cultural practices refers to the non-public nature of the rites of initiation. That is, “to the veil which, is drawn over the nature of the proceedings of fully initiated members” (MacCulloch 1974:288).
According to Chitando (2008:176), the concept of secrecy has been used to perpetuate negative images of indigenous practices Africa in the media. Religious ideologies make it difficult for people to discuss sexuality openly, and in particular, female sexuality. Most cultural practices like labia elongation (kudhonza) are tied to indigenous religious beliefs.
5.1.2 Is kudhonza an open secret?
Can we call this practice secretive in the strict sense of the term, or is it something people just do not talk about? Most respondents on the radio program kudhonza matinji na Tilda Moyo, aired on the 27th of November 2013 actually admitted to knowing this cultural rite as a salient feature with which women distinguish themselves from other women, enhancing their sexual experience. They said it was something that is widely known to be true but which none of the people most intimately concerned were willing to categorically acknowledge in public. Shona culture considers sex discussion taboo. Even when the discussion is actually held, metaphors are used for they consider it vulgar to name genitalia.
5.1.3 Colonialism and the advent of Christianity
With social dislocation arising from colonialism and the subsequent advent of Christianity, the secretive aspect concerning sexuality has been accentuated. Postcolonial forces, including religion, which aimed at imposing a “modern” view on sexual behaviour, are also cited as a reason for secrecy. Traditional initiation rites have nearly disappeared and have been transplanted by church based ceremonies. Christian missionaries were generally opposed to initiation schools, regarding them as a hindrance to their efforts to bring ‘light in the midst of darkness' (Chitando (2008:178).
5.1.4 Urbanisation
Western education, urbanisation and other factors have undermined indigenous practices and initiation schools. Sexuality and sex related matters have been swept under the carpet and become a secretive and mysterious subject from many young people in the contemporary period. A general lack of awareness and ignorance about this issue of labia elongation prevails among the youth today. Urbanization and industrialization with their consequences of high social and geographical mobility, as well as accessibility of a large number of children to education has relegated this practice to a social myth. The education system encourages divergent thinking, creativity and individualism which tend to undermine the traditional mode of doing things and secretiveness is a way of veiling these cultural practices such as kudhonza from the public glare, lest they illicit controversy and misunderstanding.

5.1.5 Patriarchal Dictates
The dominance of patriarchy in Africa is one of the prime reasons for the secretive nature of cultural practices such as kudhonza. Men have generally been socialised to regard themselves as sexual predators with an insatiable sexual appetite. Society tends to condone male promiscuity, while restricting female sexuality. As a result, issues that have to do with female sexuality are done secretively, for fear of being regarded as of loose morals, something that is taboo and detestable in African culture. Most girls who undergo labia elongation are told that this is what the men want. Sex, thus is portrayed to them as a way of giving pleasure to the man, and not necessarily elicting pleasure from the man. Gachiri (2000:98) reports that taming women’s sexual desires was the most named reason in her survey to circumcise girls. It ensures that the man has social control over a woman’s sexuality that demonstrates his superiority. Lately, some Kenyan groups, such as the Agikuyu have reinforced labia elongation to teach girls the value of submission to their husbands (:98).
5.2 LABIA ELONGATION IS NOT MUTILATION: A CRITIQUE OF THE BETTY MAKONI STANCE.
According to this research’s findings, the mutilating connotations of classifying labia elongation are unfounded. This is mostly premised on the fact that labia elongation, unlike female genital cutting, is a rite of passage the girls in the community in which it is practiced look forward to. There is not much medical value attached to elongated labia except a higher self-esteem one will get from a more fulfilling sex life. It leaves no permanent physical maiming and has no dire health consequences. In 2008, WHO scheduled the amending of the treatment of it from female genital mutilation to the less fatal sounding female genital modification.

Tamale (2010) posits that a question remains, why are elongation and use of vaginal products considered to be female genital mutilation while aesthetic vaginal surgery such as labiaplasty, vaginoplasty, vaginal reconstruction, vaginal rejuvenation or tightening are publicized and well known and surgeons and clinics are allowed to perform definitive modification of the vagina? Why is the use of play lubricants bought in shops in the West not defined as female genital mutilation, if the use of products with the same objective and results are considered as such when they are home produced in Africa or bought in a shop in Asia? Who decides who is barbarian? Who decides what is female genital mutilation and what is not? The answer lies in the understanding of the ethnocentrism underlying the production of discourses and the objectification of the African and Asian female body, in the “othering,” the stigmatisation of others”’ practices (Tamale 2010:23).
None of the circumcised women interviewed said that they had been violated in their rights. Women regard these practices as a positive force in their lives. Interviewees such as Mbuya Zhou stressed that the violation of human rights issue is yet another misunderstanding of the cultures and ways of the African people by biased Western scholars. In Uganda, Dr. Sylvia Tamale, a human rights activist and associate professor at the faculty of Law has been outspoken in support of this tradition. She has argued that categorising labia elongation as mutilation is not in touch with the reality of the women with elongated labia who, thanks to the procedure, are able to experience immense sexual pleasure (Akumu 2010).
In her paper, Eroticism, Sensuality and “Women’s Secrets” among the Baganda: A Critical Analysis, Dr. Tamale writes: “Interestingly, harmful cosmetic procedures (such as clitoral piercing) sometimes performed in Western countries are not listed under type-IV FGM. Through such discourse, this global health body writes this African practice of sexual enhancement into the broad negative rubric of harmful cultural practices that violate the rights of women and children” (Tamale 2010)
Akumu (2010) has this to say regarding WHO stance on regarding labia elongation as a form of female genital mutilation:
“They don’t realize that elongating the labia minora is actually the opposite of female genital mutilation (FGM). This is the case in the sense that FGM seeks to kill sexual feelings while labia elongation is intended to enhance such feelings. No sane mind can put these two conflicting extremes in the same category. This is the kind of ignorance that Europeans and Americans display whenever they talk about Africa”
5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY
Other subjects that need further exploration include the psychological and physical health risks and the consequences occasioned by genital stretching (kudhonza), including the topical and systemic effects of all the herbs. Some risks have been just identified and described, but given that the precise incidence of transmissible diseases and other infections associated with labia elongation (kudhonza) has not been researched yet, we recommend that further thorough quantitative research be conducted on this issue. This research advocates a prospective cohort study as the best research design for that purpose. Qualitative research to learn more about the sexual experiences and the degree of sexual enhancement perceived by women who did labia elongation is also recommended.
Efforts should be made to ensure high safety standards among the women who guide young girls in genital stretching. The following risk-reduction measures may be helpful in this respect: (i) performing the practice alone rather than in groups (if assisted by colleagues or by the aunties, the use of gloves should be encouraged); (ii) performing the practice at home rather than in the bush; (iii) washing the hands and genitalia before and after the practice; (iv) avoiding the use of dust, soil or ashes and caustic herbs; urinating after stretching (to minimize risk of urinary tract infection); and (v) being able to identify signs and symptoms of labia complications that need medical attention.
This research also recommends the teaching of labia elongation to girls in schools especially at junior level to assist the children to be cognisant of the practice at an early level so that they are able to make responsible and informed choices about their sexuality. Initiation schools need to be formalised and the teachings given out by the aunties need to be documented and published as a way of preserving our cultural heritage.
Social and cultural groups need to lobby the media fraternity encourage them to disarm the weapon of secrecy by publishing articles and airing programs that openly discuss such issues so that the population at large gains this information. Through the Ministry of Gender, the government can take up such practices from the domain of secrecy and open lines of constructive debate and education. A good example of one such program that the government is promoting today is the male circumcision campaign. Labia elongation needs to be promoted along similar lines.
Churches can also play a crucial role in educating women about this practice and avoiding its demonization. China chamadzimai (ladies union meetings) should prioritize such teachings and even invite vananamukunga (the aunties) to help teach particularly the young women the value of these traditional practices. One pastor in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe church, Mai Gunguwo is leading from the front in this mission. Many of her teachings on this subject are sold on DVD’s all over the country. She has even opened a sexual health clinic for women that teaches such practices and imparts other valuable teachings to women about family life, sex and procreation.
The researcher feels that the five key informant interviews, the focus group discussion involving eight women and the twenty-two men interviewed is a sample large enough to provide insights into what this practice is all about and what are the reasons behind its perpetuation and perceived secretive nature. However, in order to portray a more representative picture of what Zimbabweans think of this practice, further research should be carried out to include people from other towns and districts.
5.4 CONCLUSION
It is this research’s conclusion that there exists a consensus that labia elongation is a desirable and welcomed practice despite some of the health risks. Given the patriarchal nature of Mabvuku and Tafara society and the positive responses towards the practice, it is likely that labia elongation will continue.
This cultural practice is an initiation rite for transmission of sexual knowledge and acceptable sexual practices to young women and girls. The sexual preparation of the female body mainly involved teaching girls how to elongate their inner labia as a rite of passage into womanhood. Through this socialisation process, girls acquired knowledge and skills and their attitudes and values towards sexual relationships were constructed. Because talking about sexual issues with their daughters is a cultural taboo, labia elongation (kudhonza) is perceived as belonging to the private sphere of females; the perception of secretiveness is apparent.
A general misconception about this practice was cleared in this research. It is now apparent that female circumcision in Mabvuku and Tafara does not involve the cutting away of any part of the female genitalia. Labia elongation (kudhonza) is only regarded as part of an elaborate initiation rite meant to equip the woman for social and family responsibility. The women interviewed regard marriage as the greatest treasure the woman can ever have, and for them, the vagina is the door that will unlock a richly rewarding marital experience. It is in this light that labia elongation is seen as beautifying this precious embellishment. Support for labial stretching among the men in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs is multifaceted. Mainly, labia elongation is perceived as an important part of the cultural heritage and a marriage requirement. The majority of men value elongated labia especially because they believe that it enhances the sexual experience for both parties. Far from suffering feelings of “incompleteness, anxiety and depression” that the WHO associates with this practice, most of those interviewed in this study spoke positively of this cultural practice.

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Internet Sources muzvarebettymakoni.org/labia elongation is mutilation. (accessed 04/05/14) radiokatwenews.blogspot.com/labia elongation in Uganda. (accessed 15/05/14) http://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/labia_stretching#-mw-search. (accessed 23/04/14)

Female Genital Mutilation, Education & Networkinhttp://www.fgmnetwork.org/gonews.php. (accessed 24/04/14) Hosken, F. (1979). Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Women, Internet WWW page at URL: http://www.middle-east- info.org/league/somalia/hosken.pdf (accessed on 21/03/14)

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1: Interview guides for key informants
Background information
 Name of key informant
 Age and marital status

Key questions
 Are you circumcised?
 How old were you when you were circumcised?
 Who made the decision for you to do it?
 Did you do it in a group
 Have you handled any complaints concerning this practice? (Question for the aunties)
 Why is this practice shrouded in secrecy?
 What are the benefits of undergoing kudhonza?
 Did you experience any complications, pain or health problems as a result?
 Can you describe the practice?
 Has your sex experience improved as a result of kudhonza?
 What changes have you seen in the practice over the years?
 Do you think initiation schools should be formalised?

APPENDIX 2
Questionnaire for Men
The following questionnaire is part of a qualitative research study into the secretive nature of female circumcision in Mabvuku and Tafara suburbs. Please do not write your name on the questionnaire since all responses are confidential and anonymous. This questionnaire is strictly voluntary. Feel free to leave any questions blank.
Age of respondent …………
Are you currently (check  only one)
 married  separated  widowed
 single  divorced

Please indicate level of education completed
 Primary school  Secondary school  A level  Vocational school
 College/University
Occupation …………………………………………… 1. Can you tell us why girls and women perform the practice kudhonza?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
2. Can you name and explain the risks attached to the procedure of kudhonza?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
3. What do you think are the reasons for the secrecy surrounding kudhonza?
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
4. If you compare having sex with one woman who did kudhonza and with one who did not, could you perceive any difference? If yes, how so?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
5. In general, how is your perception towards the practice kudhonza? Should it be encouraged?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
6. Would you encourage your daughters to undergo kudhonza? and why?
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

APPENDIX 3
Key questions for Focus Group Discussions  Tell me about female circumcision (what it is, why is it practiced, how is the practice perceived in the community, are there any changes in attitudes as regards to this practice).
 Is this practice on the decrease/increase? Why?
 Why is this practice secretive in nature?
 What are some of the alternative rites of passage that have been proposed in communities that practice kudhonza?
 Some people want this practice abolished, saying it is harmful and violates human rights, do you agree?
 Do you know of any problems associated with kudhonza?
 What would you suggest should be done to correct the negative perception of kudhonza?
 Can you tell me of some of your experiences? How do you feel about circumcision?