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MSF Neutrality

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Searching for MSF on the web, one can see that impartiality and neutrality listed as one of the five principles guiding MSF's actions. The organization clearly states, “MSF does not take sides or intervene according to the demands of governments or warring parties.” Fiona Terry from MSF-France's research foundation proposed that MSF acknowledge its history of engagement and drop the principle of neutrality from its charter. Though it can be convincingly argued that MSF’s position is more than its purported claim to “moral minimalism”, the claim’s resilience is telling and should be analyzed for its strategic nature. As problematic and misleading as such an assertion may be, in many situations, it is the promised “neutrality” of the humanitarian …show more content…
As MSF representatives stated at an award ceremony early in the organization’s life “Humanitarianism occurs where the political has failed or is in crisis.” As we discussed in lecture, even if an entity proclaims neutrality, entering a politically-caused humanitarian crisis, means, in a sense supporting the powerful actors responsible. Sometimes this support is quite literal, providing assistance without discrimination can mean risking physically strengthening bad actors. In other situations, where governments fail their people on purpose, as was the case with Ethiopia’s political manipulation of its famine in the 80s, swooping in to fill in for the neglect of the powerful while leaving the political causes unchallenged means abandoning a neutral position and supporting the power. Regarding Ethiopia’s famine, MSF decided to break its public silence and publicly express its opposition to government policies. However, as Redfield illustrates in his book, these public assertions are often risky and can jeopardize the organization’s humanitarian opportunity to …show more content…
The humanitarian commitment to the transfer of information is inherently political and much can also be gleaned from the materials produced and distributed by the organization. To make a case for its intervention, MSF produces motivated facts, "a body of information that suggests the validity of probable truths already known in outline if not in detail", using both dispassionate, objective statistical studies, and emotionally compelling personal accounts. Recognizing that high-quality data is fundamental to the ability of humanitarian programs to understand the causes of health disparities, design effective responses, and evaluate progress, MSF often collects data of afflicted populations. In the Congo, a region with a long history of violence, MSF conducted its own epidemiological survey. Embedded in the article publishing the results was a statement about MSF's intention to recognize and address the scope of the crisis. Alongside more traditionally “neutral” statistics, MSF also publishes emotionally compelling first-person narratives, usually paired with imagery of affliction or what Redfield calls “perversely elegant images of nameless suffering” to strike empathy and activate pathos among potential donors and supporters. The collection of this data and the distribution of these materials is not disinterested and serves as a means to silently

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