...How did the Cold War develop between 1944-53? 1947 – Truman Doctrine (March) Marshall Plan (June) 1948 – Communist regime established in Czechoslovakia (Feb) Berlin blockade begins (June) US relationship with Europe after WWII: * Truman was under pressure to adopt a more hard-line approach towards communism following Kennan’s Telegram and Churchill’s ‘Iron Curtain’ speech and the threat of communist takeover in Greece. * No suggestion that the US envisaged any long-term military or political entanglement in Europe beyond the time it took to establish political and economic reconstruction there. * Each side regarded the other as a threat to national security and being expansionist and a global strategic threat. * By September 1946 the emergence of the Cold War was seemingly irreversible. Why Truman introduced his Doctrine (first step containment?) * Keep the SU from aiding the Greek communist movement * Protect democracy and freedom in response to Soviet aggression and ideological expansionism in Eastern Europe * Demonise SU and Communism * Threaten and provoke USSR * Truman wanted a Cold War because that would justify the US’s role as a defender of the freedom and function as world power * Develop the US’s global economic power – if the US is protector, other sates would be militarily and economically dependent of the US – close trade relations. Truman emphasised in his doctrine the differences between Capitalism...
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...Asia Pacific Area, is composed of by great forces such as Japan, South Korea, India etc., which are all allies of the U.S.A, and small or medium sized countries such as Malaysia and Vietnam etc., as well as a politically sensitive region -- Taiwan, which is regarded as a ‘lost territory’ by Beijing. It is this kind of unique layout of powers in the Asia Pacific Area that raised the concern that the current balance of big powers will be broken inevitably on China’s way of seeking regional hegemony and small or medium-sized countries worry they might be victims of conflicts between great forces. It’s believed that as China continues to grow up it will not tolerate America staying in its backyard and it will try to retrieve its ‘lost territory’, while others believe the current stability of the area will not be challenged because of China’s own limitations. There are a lot of concerns that when China becomes increasingly powerful, will the current balance of the established Asia Pacific Area be broken? And how will America react to China’s rise? John Mearshimer believes that China will not rise peacefully as he mentioned that the ultimate aim of a super power is to ensure that there is no other rival power that has the potential to override it.1 Therefore a powerful China will not tolerate the existence of the U.S. in its backyard with power; instead China is likely try to dominate Asia in the way America did to build up its hegemony. The U.S has fought a series of wars to establish...
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...of state-state conflict * Conflict maybe driven by man interests- ethnic conflict, material resources, land * Cooperation * Lots of Conflict and lots of Cooperation * Examples * Cooperation focused on economic issues, why? * All sides gain from economic exchange so it literally pays to cooperate * Is cooperation or conflict the natural state? * Economic cooperation mitigates conflict * Globalization or Fragmentation? * France-Germany and the European Union * Free trade agreements and NAFTA * What is Globalization * Examples: * Increasing level interconnectedness * What it means for international relations * More interdependence * Cultural aspects, both positive and negative * Is globalization a new phenomena * Less and less dialogue more usual stuff happening * 50 million died as a result 1918 Spanish Flu and parallels to Ebola Virus * Fragmentation * EU- Lack of defining borders * Europe as example- integration into EU has diminished power of national governments * Regional identities have become stronger: example- Scotland and Wales * Not all peaceful- Yugoslavia * Globalization can lead to integration but also fragmentation...
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...History Leaving Cert Revision Notes James Esses Page 1 Contents 1.0 Essay 1: Changes in the US Economy from 1945-1989 ..................................................................... 3 1.1 Boom (1945-1968) .................................................................................................................. 3 1.2 Bust (1968-1989)..................................................................................................................... 4 2.0 Essay 2 Consumer Society post 1945 ................................................................................................ 6 3.0 Essay 3 Foreign Policy 1945-1972 ..................................................................................................... 8 3.1 Berlin ....................................................................................................................................... 8 3.2 Korea ....................................................................................................................................... 9 3.3 Berlin Wall ............................................................................................................................. 10 3.4 Cuba ...................................................................................................................................... 10 4.0 Essay 4: How did the US become involved in Vietnam and why did it escalate in the 1960’s? ..... 11 5.0 Essay 5 Harry Truman ..............................
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...Events in Iraq have prompted some people on the left to make comparisons to the American experience in the Vietnam War. These people argue that the United States has put itself into an in-extractable “quagmire” from which there is no feasible withdrawal. This type of reasoning by historical comparison is not wise because no two historical events are completely alike. In the case of Iraq and Vietnam, extreme caution should be exercised in comparing two wars so far apart in historical circumstances, geography, and time. It becomes pretty obvious that the differences between the two conflicts greatly outnumber the similarities. This is especially true in the strategic and military dimensions of the two wars. There is simply no comparison between the environment, the scale of military presence, losses incurred over time, the quality of enemy resistance, the role and scope of enemy allies, and the duration of open warfare style combat. There are, however, two political parts of the Iraq and Vietnam wars that are similar in nature: our attempts at nation-building in a foreign culture, and our trying to sustaining domestic popular support in a long and drawn out war against insurgents. Policymakers should have an understanding of the reasons for U.S. political failure in South Vietnam, as well as for the Johnson and Nixon administrations’ failure to sustain popular support for the accomplishment of U.S. military objectives in Vietnam. A repeat of those failures in Iraq could have...
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...awarding body. We provide a wide range of qualifications including academic, vocational, occupational and specific programmes for employers. For further information visit our qualifications websites at www.edexcel.com or www.btec.co.uk. Alternatively, you can get in touch with us using the details on our contact us page at www.edexcel.com/contactus. Giving you insight to inform next steps ResultsPlus is Pearson’s free online service giving instant and detailed analysis of your students’ exam results. • See students’ scores for every exam question. • Understand how your students’ performance compares with class and national averages. • Identify potential topics, skills and types of question where students may need to develop their learning further. For more information on ResultsPlus, or to log in, visit www.edexcel.com/resultsplus. Your exams officer will be able to set up your ResultsPlus account in minutes via Edexcel Online. Pearson: helping people progress, everywhere Pearson aspires to be the world’s leading learning company. Our aim is to help everyone progress in their lives through education. We believe in every kind of learning, for all kinds of people, wherever they are in the world. We’ve been involved in education for over 150 years, and by working across 70 countries, in 100 languages, we have built an international reputation for our commitment to high standards and raising achievement through innovation in education. Find out more about how we can help you and your...
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...Chapter 1: The problem and its background Introduction For a long time, India has viewed its sphere of influence as stretching far beyond the subcontinent itself but has had little ability to project this influence beyond its borders. It is only in the last few years that India has been able to become more influential both in the surrounding regions and the world at large. This was mainly anchored on its ‘look east policy’ initiated in the early 1990s that saw the country focus on the East Asia and Pacific regions as an economic framework for expanding ties and promoting economic growth. With the new expanded strategic vision – “Look East” policy 2, India has broadened the definition of its security interest in its strategic economic endeavors. It is generally seen that India’s partnership with ASEAN have had an impact on India’s economic, political, and security related involvement ‘in these larger, concentric coalitions around ASEAN…in East Asia and in the Asian Pacific’ (Gujral, 1996, p. 12). The look east policy has integrated a larger regionalization framework and strategy encompassing the Asia Pacific issues (Scott, 2007). WE ARE TECHNOLOGY THESIS EXPERTS! ORDER NOW! WWW.UKESSAYHUB.COM The Indians-ASEAN links do not only have economic frameworks but strategic underpinnings as well. As Scot (2007) has indicated, china has been a factor in all of the India’s initiatives albeit blurred in economic progressions. Some analysts have argued that the growing...
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...A special report on China's place in the world Brushwood and gall China insists that its growing military and diplomatic clout pose no threat. The rest of the world, and particularly America, is not so sure, says Edward Carr Dec 2nd 2010 | from PRINT EDITION • • IN 492BC, at the end of the “Spring and Autumn” period in Chinese history, Goujian, the king of Yue in modern Zhejiang, was taken prisoner after a disastrous campaign against King Fuchai, his neighbour to the north. Goujian was put to work in the royal stables where he bore his captivity with such dignity that he gradually won Fuchai’s respect. After a few years Fuchai let him return home as his vassal. Goujian never forgot his humiliation. He slept on brushwood and hung a gall bladder in his room, licking it daily to feed his appetite for revenge. Yue appeared loyal, but its gifts of craftsmen and timber tempted Fuchai to build palaces and towers even though the extravagance ensnared him in debt. Goujian distracted him with Yue’s most beautiful women, bribed his officials and bought enough grain to empty his granaries. Meanwhile, as Fuchai’s kingdom declined, Yue grew rich and raised a new army. Goujian bided his time for eight long years. By 482BC, confident of his superiority, he set off north with almost 50,000 warriors. Over several campaigns they put Fuchai and his kingdom to the sword. The king who slept on brushwood and tasted gall is as familiar to Chinese as King Alfred and his cakes are to Britons,...
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...China Fragile Superpower This page intentionally left blank Fragile Superpower Susan L. Shirk China 2007 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2007 by Susan L. Shirk Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shirk, Susan L. China: fragile superpower / by Susan L. Shirk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-19-530609-5 1. Nationalism—China. 2. China—Politics and government—2002– I. Title. JC311.S525 2007 320.951—dc22 2006027998 135798642 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper For Sam, Lucy, and David Popkin This page intentionally left...
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...- armistice signed 27 July 1953[1] ) was a military conflict between the Republic of Korea, supported by the United Nations, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, supported by the People's Republic of China (PRC), with military material aid from the Soviet Union. The war was a result of the physical division of Korea by an agreement of the victorious Allies at the conclusion of the Pacific War at the end of World War II. The Korean peninsula was ruled by Japan from 1910 until the end of World War II. Following the surrender of Japan in 1945, American administrators divided the peninsula along the 38th Parallel, with United States troops occupying the southern part and Soviet troops occupying the northern part.[2] The failure to hold free elections throughout the Korean Peninsula in 1948 deepened the division between the two sides, and the North established a Communist government. The 38th Parallel increasingly became a political border between the two Koreas. Although reunification negotiations continued in the months preceding the war, tension intensified. Cross-border skirmishes and raids at the 38th Parallel persisted. The situation escalated into open warfare when North Korean forces invaded South Korea on 25 June 1950.[3] It was the first significant armed conflict of the Cold War.[4] The United Nations, particularly the United States, came to the aid of South Korea in repelling the invasion. A rapid UN counter-offensive drove the North Koreans past...
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...conflict & refugee crisis.” The above statement is our debate topic & we are supporting the statement. Before we present our arguments to support it, the following questions should be answered: • Who are global powers? • What is balance of power? • What is their (global power’s) interest? • What is global peace, conflict & refugee crisis? The answers to above terms will provide us clear view on the esteemed statement. The terms are discussed as follows: Global Power: There are 10 powerful countries, the 10 great powers that can rock the world. They have been ranked by their fire power & ability to shape both their regional environments and the international system as a whole; among all the world’s countries these are the ones with the most ability to affect global politics by their choices. The global power rankings are revised every year. Until 2016, the top 10 global powers are as follows: 1. United States of America 2. United Kingdom 3. Germany 4. China 5. Japan 6. Russia 7. India 8. Turkey 9. Iran 10. South Korea Balance of Power: In international relations, the posture and policy of a nation or group of nations protecting itself against another nation or group of nations by matching its power against the power of the other side. States can pursue a policy of balance of power in two ways: by increasing their own power, as when engaging in an armaments race or in the competitive acquisition of territory; or by...
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... 17 Chapter 3 US Hegemony in World Politics 31 Chapter 4 Alternative Centres of Power 51 Chapter 5 Contemporary South Asia 65 Chapter 6 International Organisations 81 Chapter 7 Security in the Contemporary World 99 Chapter 8 Environment and Natural Resources 117 Chapter 9 Globalisation 135 Chapter 1 The Cold War Era OVERVIEW This chapter provides a backdrop to the entire book. The end of the Cold War is usually seen as the beginning of the contemporary era in world politics which is the subject matter of this book. It is, therefore, appropriate that we begin the story with a discussion of the Cold War. The chapter shows how the dominance of two superpowers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, was central to the Cold War. It tracks the various arenas of the Cold War in different parts of the world. The chapter views the NonAligned Movement (NAM) as a challenge to the dominance of the two superpowers and describes the attempts by the non-aligned countries to establish a New International Economic Order (NIEO) as a means of attaining economic development and political independence. It concludes with an assessment of India’s role in NAM and asks how successful the policy of nonalignment has been in protecting India’s interests. The end of the Second World War led to the rise of two major centres of power. The two pictures above symbolise the victory of the US and the USSR in the...
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...Bruce W. Jentleson Strategic Recalibration: Framework for a 21stCentury National Security Strategy T he release of the Obama administration’s 2014 National Security Strategy comes amidst increasing criticism of its strategic savvy. Some are rank partisan, some Monday-morning quarterbacking. Some, though, reflect the intensifying debate over the optimal U.S. foreign policy strategy for our contemporary era. At one end of the debate are those advocating retrenchment, who see limited global threats on one hand and prioritize domestic concerns on the other—be they the budget-cutting of the Tea Party right or the nation-building-at-home of the progressive left. At the other end are neoconservatives and others pushing for re-assertiveness. This is based on a bullish assessment of U.S. power and the contention that it still is both in the U.S. national interest and that of world order for the United States to be the dominant nation. While retrenchment overestimates the extent to which the United States can stand apart, reassertiveness overestimates the extent to which it can sit atop. The United States must remain deeply and broadly engaged in the world, but it must do so through a strategy of recalibration to the geopolitical, economic, technological, and other dynamics driving this 21st-century world. This entails a re-appraisal of U.S. interests, re-assessment of U.S. power, and re-positioning Bruce W. Jentleson is a Professor at Duke University, Sanford...
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...political movement supporting the re-establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people.’ * ‘The historic homeland of the Jews was in the land of Israel.’ * ‘Since its establishment, Zionists continue to support it.’ * ‘It encourages the migration of Jews to Israel.’ * ’40% of Jews live in Israel and this % is rising.’ * ‘Zionism wants to strengthen and protect Jews and the State o What problems faced Palestine in 1945 Civil disruption.‘ * Large numbers of Jews wanted to go to Palestine.’ * ‘The US was supporting a state of Israel.’ * ‘Should immigration be allowed?’ * ‘Campaigns of violence by the Irgun.’ Why did Britain decide to hand Palestine over to the United Nations * ‘It did not want to stay.’ * ‘Because of the cost.’ * ‘There was violence.’ * ‘Because of its view of Zionism.’ * ‘The pressure from the Irgun.’ * ‘Because of the guerrilla campaign. Explains why * ‘At the end of the war Britain was under great pressure to change its policy and allow in survivors of the holocaust. They refused and this brought about violent protest.’ * ‘The Irgun deliberately attacked and killed British soldiers including the explosion at the King David Hotel. The violence from the Irgun was intended to persuade the British to leave.’ * ‘Because the Arabs continued to block any proposals regarding partition.’ * ‘The British were finding it too expensive to keep large numbers of troops there, especially...
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...The Maritime Strategy of China in the Asia-Pacific Region Origins, Development and Impact HUANG, AN-HAO Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2009 School of Social and Political Sciences Faculty of Arts The University of Melbourne Produced on archival quality paper ABSTRACT This thesis aims to examine how and why a continental-oriented China has shifted its maritime strategic orientation and naval force structure from its coast toward the far seas in an era of interdependent international system. Generally, China is an ancient continental land power with an incomplete oceanic awareness. With the transformation after the Cold War of China’s grand strategy from landward security to seaward security, maritime security interests have gradually become the most essential part of China’s strategic rationale. Undoubtedly, the quest for sea power and sea rights has become Beijing’s main maritime strategic issue. Given China’s escalating maritime politico-economic-military leverage in the Asia-Pacific region, its desire to become a leading sea power embodying global strategic thinking means that it must expand its maritime strategy by developing its navy and preparing for armed confrontation in terms of international relations realism. Conversely, Beijing’s maritime policy leads at the same time towards globalization, which involves multilateralism and strategic coexistence of a more pragmatic kind. This research...
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