CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background Information
The Cross River gorilla, Gorilla gorilla diehli (Matschie, 1904), a subspecies of the western gorilla, Gorilla gorilla, is found in contiguous forest patches bordering South-Southern Nigeria and South-Western Cameroon, an area recognized as a biodiversity hotspot characterized by species diversity and endemism (Edet, 2011). The subspecies is one of the most critically endangered primates of Africa (Oates et al., 2008; IUCN, 2013). The subspecies is also one of the world’s 25 most endangered primates (Mittermeier et al., 2009). As humans extend their land use, Cross River gorilla habitat is rapidly disappearing, and this may have adverse effects on number of individuals within the subspecies. The Cross River gorilla, Gorilla gorilla diehli, chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes vellorosus) and drill (Mandrillus leucophaeus), though legally protected by the Endangered Species Decree 11 of 1985, are some of the primates hunted for bushmeat and other purposes (Edet, 2011). The Major threat to the survival of the subspecies is lack of thorough conservation strategy necessary for its protection. The survival of this endangered species and ecosystems depends on long-term participation and understanding of local populations (Oates, 1999). Due to the close relationship between cultural diversity and biodiversity, traditional knowledge systems play an important role when developing species conservation and management strategies (Caldecott et al., 2005; Hens, 2006). For example, the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD) (article 8j) calls for parties to respect, preserve, and apply knowledge and practices of indigenous and local communities relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity (UNCBD, 2007). Despite these recommendations, few studies have investigated traditional beliefs concerning endangered primates and how they could be integrated into conservation strategies (Saj et al., 2006). Many African cultures hunt and eat apes and other smaller primates, and hunting remains the greatest threat to primate survival in the wild in many areas. However, some of these primate species in addition to their food value also play an important role in African traditional mythologies and forest region beliefs (Terashima, 2001; Hens, 2006, Saj et al., 2006; Charnley et al., 2007, Osemeobo 2001). For example, the exploitation of some primate species in Africa is largely prohibited because local communities adore them with ritual meanings, regard them as animal totems, or value them as fetishes or aids to traditional medicine practice (Osemeobo 1991, Adams and McShane 1996). 1.2 Problem Statement
Many authors (Gadgil et al., 1993; Colding and Folke, 1997; Berkes, 2004) have argued that learning from and using traditional knowledge of local communities not only build the much needed consensus between conservationists and local people but gives communities a sense of ownership of wildlife management projects and programs. The Cross River gorilla, Gorilla gorilla diehli, is listed as critically endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN; Mittermeier et al., 2009). It is the most endangered sub-species of the Western gorilla, Gorilla gorilla, and is arguably the most endangered great ape in the world. The entire Cross River Gorilla population is thought to be as low as 202–300 individuals fragmented across Cameroon. Twelve (12) hilly sites along the Cameroon–Nigeria border (Nicholas et al. 2010). The human population density within the Cross River Gorilla distribution is one of the densest in Africa, with more than 100 people per km2 in some places (Oates et al., 2004). Consequently, human activities greatly threaten Cross River Gorilla survival.
It is for this reason that this research was conducted to explore the indigenous knowledge about gorillas and investigate the awareness of, and attitudes towards, traditional taboos and totemic beliefs associated with gorillas. Secondly to explore the perception and influence of traditional beliefs and practices on the protection of gorillas in Bamba, Bukalum, Butatong, Kanyang I, Okwangwo, Ukwa II and Wula communities of Okwangwo Division in Cross River National Park.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The general objective of this study is to highlight the usefulness of incorporating traditional beliefs and practices concerning Cross River Gorilla into the conservation of the species.

The Specific Objectives of the Study include the following: 1. To document the traditional beliefs and practices associated with Cross River Gorillas in the study area. 2. To assess how traditional beliefs affect the hunting of gorillas for meat, and traditional medicine. 3. To ascertain the perception on how traditional beliefs and practices impact on the conservation of the Cross River Gorilla in the study area.
1.4 Justification of the Study
The conservation and development of protected areas have always met with difficulty as a result of non-inclusion of the knowledge base and resource management capabilities of indigenous peoples as regards the functional workings of the ecosystems (Bisong and Essien, 2010). This research work will help to establish the usefulness of incorporating local beliefs into the conservation strategy for this critically endangered species. The research will also provide baseline information on the fast-disappearing traditional knowledge of the study area.
1.5 Scope of the Study
The research was conducted in seven villages around the Okwngwo Division of the Cross River National Park namely; Bamba, Bukalum, Butatong, Kanyang I, Okwangwo, Ukwa II and Wula communities based on their proximity (5km) to the Park in the months of January to February, 2016.

CHAPTER TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Traditional Beliefs and Practices in Wildlife Conservation
All over the world, nature and human cultures are inextricably intertwined (Corvalan et al., 2005). In biological resources conservation, the recognition of cultural traditions and myths prevalent in local communities enhances better understanding of people’s environmental interactions (Gonzalez and Martin, 2007). For conservation interventions to work in various contexts, it is thus instructive “to pay attention to the ways in which human beliefs, values and ideals continuously shape landscapes” (Cosgrove, 1988:39).
Across cultures, there are cultural and spiritual values attached to biodiversity (Schama, 1995). The cultural importance of biodiversity consist not just tangible goods and services, but intangible or non-material services and values as well. The cultural and spiritual values constitute an integral part of indigenous and local people’s cosmovision and play a major role in shaping their environmental perceptions (Schama, 1995).
In some cultures, the stories and environmental lessons transmitted from one generation to another help to restrict or regulate natural resource use, and while such management strategies have symbolic or mythical origins, they have positive ecological impacts in ecosystems management (Gonzalez and Martin, 2007). Local cultural values here cut across rules and regulations, taboos, and local ecological knowledge in the use and management of biological resources. Gonzalez and Martin (2007) maintain that indigenous or local communities may be uninterested in the concept of protected areas if it limits certain traditional practices. Conservation management or resource development projects that ignored cultural values, more or less trigger conflicts, and upset cooperation amongst stakeholders (McNeely, 2005).
There are records of effective use of traditional norms and taboos in wildlife conservation (Gadil et al., 1993; Horowitz, 1998; Berkes et al., 2000; Colding and Folke, 2001; Berkes 2003; Beckes 2003; Becker and Ghimire, 2003; Moller et al., 2004; Peterson et al., 2007; Mwihomeke et al., 1998; Kweka, 2004; Kideghesho, 2008; Kassilly and Tsingalia, 2009). These were based on the fact that the practices control human behaviors (Saj et al., 2006; Jimoh et al., 2012).
In Africa, there are many studies which suggest that incorporating cultural norms and taboos into conservation programmes may provide incentives to communities to conserve natural resources. For instance, in Madagascar, Lingard et al. (2003), Schachenmann (2006), Tengo et al. (2007), Jones et al. (2008) and Rabearivony et al. (2008) reported that relevance of taboos and cultural laws in the continued existence of forest biodiversity. Also, studies in Ghana have shown how clans protect their natural resources through the use of taboos (Abayie-Boaten, 1998; Hens, 2006; Saj et al., 2006; Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2007; Kobina and Kofi, 2009; Nganje, 2009).
Similar cases have also been recorded in Nigeria (Bassey and Kanung, 1996a; Bassey and Kanung, 1996b; Anoliefo et al., 2003; Banjo et al., 2006; Obasohan, 2008; Akindele, 2010).
2.2 Traditional Beliefs and Practices Associated with Gorillas
Traditional knowledge in the form of local taboos that restrict or regulate the exploitation of wildlife is thought to have contributed significantly to preventing the extinction of some wild primates (Rose et al., 2003). Unfortunately, present indicators show that these practices are generally on the decline in most parts of Africa (Hens, 2006) due to changes in the belief systems of people with regard to the spread of new influences (e.g., Christian sects).
In Nigeria, much of the country’s biodiversity has been in the hands of rural groups, societies of hunters and farmers, herders, and fishermen for many generations. Traditional knowledge is still very prominent in most remote areas, where decisions about exploitation of local natural resources are heavily influenced by traditional authorities. In these areas, traditional institutions are central to the management of common resources, such as wildlife in unprotected communal forests. In some cases, the exploitation of species that have a material or spiritual relationship with the community is often regulated. However, traditional beliefs and practices related to primates and recorded in Nigeria have not always carried a positive potential for the conservation of these species. For example, Critchley (1968) reported the use of apes (gorillas and chimpanzees) in traditional medicine and as fetishes. Even today, those who own bones or skulls of these animals are respected traditionally, and in some cases, are given chieftaincy positions within community social structures.
The Cross River Gorilla has been hunted heavily in the past (Bergl, 2006) and, although hunting seems to have subsided, any minimal level of off-take could be detrimental to the survival of the remaining population (McFarland, 2007). Gorillas are protected by law across their range, however, enforcement is inadequate. For some time now, efforts to integrate rural people into biodiversity conservation programs have been in place (Hulme and Murphree, 1999). However, these efforts were largely based on economic incentives (Hulme and Murphree, 1999; Infield and Adams, 1999; Infield, 2002), with little or no attention paid to the role of culture and traditions in building support for conservation, even though such roles are recognized (Negi, 2010). Traditional knowledge systems play an important role in developing species conserving and management strategies because of the close relationship that exists between cultural diversity and biodiversity (Caldecott et al., 2005; Hens, 2006).
2.3 Biological Causes of Biodiversity Loss
Extinction of species is part of an evolutionary process. However, during recent times, extinction rates are ten to hundred times higher than during pre-human times (Sinclair, 2000a). The main biological causes for this loss of biodiversity are:
2.3.1 The loss of habitats
On human disturbance of habitats on a worldwide scale data show the significant impact of human activity on world ecosystems; For example, in Europe only 15% of the continent is classified as “undisturbed”, which is the lowest Percent (%) age worldwide. Loss of tropical forest is the most highly published aspect of this (Sinclair, 2000b). Elsewhere, rivers are impounded, coral reefs destroyed by dynamite, and natural grasslands are ploughed.
2.3.2 The introduction of exotic species
Many are accidental, as with noxious weeds and insect pests. Others are deliberate. Foxes, rabbits and cats, which came to Australia aboard of European ships, have decimated Australia’s indigenous wildlife. In freshwater, the stocking of exotic fish for sport, or (rarely) for food, has caused at least 18 extinctions of fish species in North American rivers. Catastrophic changes in the fish biodiversity of Lake Victoria (East Africa) resulted from the introduction of Nile perch, Eucalyptus, which is indigenous in Australia, has been introduced in many tropical and subtropical regions in the world, where the tree merely behaves as a pest.

2.3.3 Over-harvesting by (illegal) hunting and the systematic cutting of wood for heating purposes, or charcoal production

These are other reasons for biodiversity loss. The use of medicinal plants might illustrate this point. In the semi-arid rural area of Southern Cochabamba (Bolivia) it was shown that out of 132 inventoried plants the local people use for traditional medicinal purpose, 10 were threatened because of their intensive collection.
2.3.4 Lesser known causes are due to “knock-on” effects
Species that are co-evolved with another, such as plants with specialized insect pollinators, will go extinct if one of the pair goes extinct; when the last passenger pigeon (Ectopistes migratorius) died in the early 1990s, so also did two of its obligate parasites, two louse species. Moabi (Baillonella toxisperma) used to be a common tree in West Africa. The fruits are eaten, cooking oil is extracted from the seeds (Karite) and the bark is used for medicinal purposes. For its reproduction the plant depends on the elephants. Only these animals swallow and disperse the moabi seeds. The impressive reduction of elephants in countries as Ivory Coast, Ghana and Benin has an important impact on the distribution of the tree.
2.3.5 Homogenisation in agriculture and forestry
Although an estimated 7000 plant species have been collected and cultivated for food, only 30 contribute over 90% of the entire global population energy needs. The case of the banana (Musa spp.) is illustrative. Bananas are the fourth most important food source in the tropics after rice wheat and corn. They are cultivated in nearly 120 countries. Farmers use only about 25 edible sterile banana varieties. The number of varieties is diminishing due to the spread of pests and diseases and the deterioration of the resource.
2.3.6 Pollution and global environmental change also threaten the world’s biodiversity
All these causes have one element in common: they are induced by human activity. This makes human activity the most important source of the current decline in biodiversity. Therefore, understanding the many aspects of human influences on biodiversity, and their underlying driving forces, is of crucial importance for setting priorities and counteracting the current negative trends.
2.4 Traditional Belief and Practices Associated with Hunting Gorillas for Meat and Medicine
A key question here is on how cultural factors are shaping commercial bushmeat hunting activities in parks and protected areas. In the study of local perceptions of the importance and reasons for hunting, gender differences and opinions about mitigating measures among villagers around Serengeti National Park, Tanzania, Kaltenborn et al. (2005:213) observe that “hunting is driven by the need to not only increase food supply and cash income, but to also fulfill cultural and social needs.” Reporting also on Serengeti National Park, Mfunda and Reskaft (2010) maintain that bushmeat is in high demand because it provides trophies for cultural artefacts and medicinal values. Brown et al. (2008:16) maintain that “while hunting provides meat and income, it also remains an important social and cultural tradition for many peoples, both in developed and in developing countries.” They further comment that throughout the tropical forest regions of the world, animal parts are popularly used as cultural artifacts, personal adornment and trophies. In some cultures, a man’s societal importance, respect and capacity to win a bride is linked to his hunting skills and achievements (Posewtz, 1994; Robinson and Bennet, 2000). The curiosity here is how commercial bush meat hunting relates to the cultural dynamics of buffer zone villages. Another issue of interest is on how communities culturally perceive bushmeat hunting activities. It has been strongly argued that “it is impossible to change organizations which do not accept the dangers of their present way of doing things” (Harvey-Jones, 1993:67). The same thing is applicable to individuals, groups of people or local communities. Accordingly, the conservation problem of commercial bush meat hunting in Africa may never be resolved effectively without probing its cultural context.
2.5 Threats to Cross River Gorilla Survival
Little is known about the past distribution and abundance of Cross River gorillas, but a few older reports suggest that their numbers were higher in the past (e.g., March 1957). A recent genetic study suggests that the Cross River gorilla population has undergone a marked reduction in size, perhaps within the last 100 – 200 years (Bergl 2006). This decline is probably the result of the increasing availability and use of guns. Other factors contributing to the decline are habitat loss and fragmentation caused by the spread of agriculture, cattle grazing and road construction.
2.5.1 Hunting
Although Cross River gorillas are protected species across their range, isolated cases of them being killed by hunters still occur, and the loss of even a few individuals poses a serious threat to the viability of the population, given the small numbers present at each locality. Hunting was identified as a major threat to the future existence of gorillas as far back as the 1930s (Anon. 1934). Gorilla hunting in this region, as elsewhere, is not purely for subsistence; gorilla meat is consumed, their bones are used in traditional medicine and as fetishes, and infants have been sold as pets. Because gorillas are such impressive animals, hunters often keep the skulls of individuals they have killed, so these trophies are found in many villages. While hunting certainly had a significant impact on this population, traditional practices in some localities may have deterred gorilla hunting. For example, throughout much of the Cross River gorilla range in Cameroon, there is a traditional prohibition on the sale of gorilla meat, and hence hunters have not sought out this species. Similarly, people in the Kagwene Mountains and Bechati-Fossimondi forest region of Cameroon, and some people on the Obudu Plateau in Nigeria, have a traditional ban on eating gorillas. The prolonged presence of research projects at some Cross River gorilla localities over the past 10 years, coupled with conservation education activities and increased law enforcement, have undoubtedly helped to reduce gorilla hunting.
2.5.2 Habitat Loss and Fragmentation
In the north of the Cross River gorilla’s range and in the Bamenda Highlands to the east, much of the montane forest that probably harbored gorillas in the past has been lost to agriculture and, through burning by pastoralists, converted to grassland. This process continues at the margins of the subspecies’ present range, where there are high human population densities. Many small human settlements are scattered throughout the gorillas’ range (some in the form of legal enclaves within protected areas) and the continuing expansion of these settlements has the potential to further fragment the forest and make it impossible for gorillas to migrate between their mountain strongholds. The improvement of old roads within the gorillas’ range and the building of new roads are also contributing to habitat loss and fragmentation, as they open up new areas for settlement and cultivation, and act as possible barriers to migration.
2.5.3 Disease
Cases of devastating epidemic diseases such as Ebola and anthrax have not yet been recorded among apes in the Cross River region of Cameroon and Nigeria. But with humans, domesticated animals and gorillas living comparatively close together and often using the same habitat, there is a serious risk of a variety of pathogens and parasites spreading to the gorillas. The small size of the Cross River gorilla subpopulations makes them extremely vulnerable to the effects of introduced disease, and groups could be effectively eliminated by virulent infections.

CHAPTER THREE
3.0 METHODOLOGY
3.1 The Study Area
The study was conducted in seven communities around Okwangwo division of the Cross River National Park (CRNP) which lies between latitude 5o, 05’ and 60, 29’N and longitude 8o, 15’ and 90, 30′E. The park is situated in the south-eastern part of Nigeria in Cross River State. The park is under the control of the Federal Government of Nigeria with a legal instrument promulgated through Decree No. 46 of 1991 (now Act No. 46 of 1991) in the Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended in 1999. The Park covers a total area of 4000km2 and segmented into two non-contiguous Divisions – the Oban hills in the Southern part of the Park cover 3000 km2 and the Okwangwo Division in the Northern part of the park covers 1000 km2. The park has a tropical climate characterized by a rainy season between April and November. The annual rainfall is about 2000 - 3000mm; relative humidity in and around the park is well over 30%. The parks temperature rarely falls below 190C and average of about 270C all year round. Cross River National Park (CRNP) is one of the richest areas of tropical rainforest in West Africa; it contains one of the last remaining rainforests in Nigeria (Ite, 2004). The Okwangwo division is centered on coordinates 6017I00”N 9014I00”E and 6.283330N 9.233330E. It is made up of the former Boshi, Okwangwo and Boshi Extension Forest Reserves. The division has an area of about 920km2 at an altitude of 150-1,700m above sea level. It is separated from the Oban division to the south by about 50km of disturbed rainforest. It lies south-west of the Obudu Plateau and immediately to the east of the Afi River Forest Reserve, separated from this reserve by the Mbe Mountains community Forest. The Takamanda Forest Reserve in the Republic of Cameroon shares a border with the Okwangwo division to the east. The ground is rugged, with rocky ridges and outcrops. The highest points are in the Sankwala Mountains in the north (1,700m) and in the Mbe Mountains in the south-west (1,000m). Annual rainfall may be as much as 4,280mm, mostly falling in the wet season between March and November. The division is drained by the Oyi, Bemi, and Okon rivers, tributaries of the Cross River. The high ridge-tops are covered in montane grasslands, with relict forests in the valleys. Lower down, the division is covered by lowland rainforests, with areas of savanna where humans have destroyed the forests. The soils in the highland and lowland areas are vulnerable to erosion and leaching when stripped of their plant cover.

Figure 1– Map of Cross River National Park showing Oban and Okwangwo Division

Fig. 2: Map of Cross River National Park: Okwangwo Division showing the study areas

3.2 Data Sources
Data for this research was collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary source of data was from the field study, while the secondary was obtained from library, research materials, census data, review of journals and official data.
The primary data was obtained through an interviewer-administered questionnaire.
3.3 Research Design
In each village, a systematic random sampling technique was used to select respondents to be interviewed for the purpose of understanding and predicting some aspects of the behaviour of the population of interest”.
3.4 Sampling Procedure
This research was centered in Okwangwo division of Cross River National Park. The sampling technique for this study is simple random sampling. The field survey is undertaken in seven communities; Bamba, Bukalum, Butatong, Kanyang I, Okwangwo, Ukwa II and Wula based on their proximity (5km) to the Park. Data were collected through questionnaire, a sample frame was determined for each village and 10% respondents were drawn from each sample frame (see Table 1).

Table 1: Selection of Respondents in the Study Area Location | Total adult population (≥ age 18 years) | Sample frame (N/1+N(e2) | No of respondents (10% of sample frame) | Bamba | 696 | 254 | 25 | Bukalum | 522 | 226 | 23 | Wula | 1,392 | 311 | 31 | Butatong | 1,566 | 318 | 32 | Kanyang 1 | 525 | 227 | 28 | Ukwa II | 1,044 | 289 | 29 | Okwangwo | 1,217 | 301 | 30 | Total | 6962 | | 198 |
Source: National Population Commission, 2009.

3.5 Analysis of Data
Data obtained was analyzed using descriptive statistics and presented in tables, means, frequencies and Percentages. The summated or Likert type scale devised by Remsis Likert was used to measure the perception of the people on how traditional beliefs and practices impact on the conservation of the Cross River Gorilla in the study area. Chi-square was used to analyze the significance between variables. The significance level was P<0.05 for all statistical tests. Computer software known as statistical package for social sciences (SPSS) version 20.0 was employed in analyzing the data.
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Results
4.1.1 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
Table 2: Sex distribution of Respondents Sex | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Male | 126 | 63.6 | | Female | 72 | 36.4 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The result of the sex distribution of respondents in the study area is presented in Table 2. It was observed from the survey that majority of participants were male 63.6% (n= 126) compared with 36.4% female (n= 72).

Table 3: Age distribution of Respondents | Age | Frequency | Percent (%) | | 18-25 | 46 | 23.2 | | 26-35 | 68 | 34.3 | | 36-45 | 64 | 32.3 | | 46 and above | 20 | 10.1 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The age distribution of respondents is shown in Table 3. It was observed from the survey that (34.3%) of the ages in the study area are between 26-35 years while (10.1%) are between 46 and above.

Table 4: Marital status of Respondents Marital status | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Single | 57 | 28.8 | | Married | 84 | 42.4 | | Divorced | 30 | 15.2 | | Widow | 17 | 8.6 | | Widower | 10 | 5.1 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The marital distribution of respondents is presented in Table 4. Majority (42.4%) of the respondents in the study area was married and (5.1%) were widowers. This showed that most of the respondents are settled family men and women with responsibility.

Level of Education | Frequency | Percent (%) | | No formal education | 34 | 17.2 | | Primary education | 43 | 21.7 | | Secondary education | 54 | 27.3 | | Tertiary education | 67 | 33.8 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Table 5: Educational level of Respondents

Source: Field survey, 2016
The Educational level of the respondents is shown in Table 5. Majority (33.8%) of the respondents had tertiary education; 17.2% had no formal education. The respondents can therefore be said to be fairly literate since only a small population of them had no formal education.

Table 6: Occupation of Respondents Occupation | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Civil servants | 43 | 21.7 | | Fishing | 23 | 11.6 | | Hunting and traditional medicine | 36 | 18.2 | | Trading | 37 | 18.7 | | Farming | 55 | 27.8 | | Artisan | 4 | 2.0 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The main occupation of the respondents is presented in Table 6. Majority (27.8%) of the respondents were farmers despite their high level of educational qualification making farming the major livelihood activity of the area; while 2.0% of the respondents were grouped under artisans referring to activities such as tailoring, building, carving etc.

Table 7: Length of respondent’s stay in the village Length of stay in the village | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Less than 5 years | 15 | 7.6 | | 5-10 years | 61 | 30.8 | | 11-20 years | 35 | 17.7 | | 21 years and above | 87 | 43.9 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The length of stay of respondents in the village is shown in Table 7. Most respondents (43.9%) had lived in their present villages for more than 21 years; while only 7.6% of the respondents had lived in their present villages between 1-5 years.

4.1.2 People’s Knowledge of Gorillas

Table 8: Responses to the Question have you seen Gorilla(s) before? | RESPONSE | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 132 | 66.7 | | No | 64 | 32.3 | | No idea | 2 | 1.0 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The responses to how many respondents have seen gorilla is presented in Table 8. The vast majority (66.7%, n=132) while (1.0%, n=2) do not have an idea.

Table 9: Responses to whether gorillas are present in the forest around the study area | RESPONSE | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 145 | 73 | | No | 28 | 14.2 | | No idea | 25 | 12.6 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on whether gorillas are present in the forest around the study area are presented in Table 9. About (73%, n=145) were aware of the presence of gorillas in the forest around their village; and (12.6%, n=25) do not have an idea of the existence of gorilla around their village.

Table 10: Responses to the question on the description of Gorillas | RESPONSE | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 170 | 80.8 | | No | 23 | 11.6 | | No idea | 15 | 7.6 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on the description of gorillas are shown in Table 10. Majority (80.8%, n=170) of the respondents could accurately describe a gorilla as a large black and hairy animal, with a black face; no tail; that walked on four limbs; and upright occasionally. While (7.6%, n=15) do not have an idea on the description of gorilla.

4.1.3 Totemic Beliefs and Taboos about Gorillas

Table 11: Perception of totemic kinship practice with gorillas among interviewees in seven villages of Okwangwo Division of Cross River National Park, CRNP, January, 2016. S/N | STATEMENT ABOUT TOTEMIC KINSHIP BELIEF WITH GORILLA | AGREE | DISAGREE | NO IDEA | 1. | Village people use gorillas as totem animals | 96 (48.5%) | 53 (26.8%) | 49 (24.7%) | 2. | Traditional healers use gorilla totem animals to harvest medicinal plants | 101 (51.0%) | 60 (30.3%) | 37 (18.7%) | 3. | If a gorilla is killed the totem owner dies | 90 (45.5%) | 62 (31.3%) | 46 (23.2%) | 4. | Lets encourage our children to have gorillas as totem animals | 50 (25.3%) | 105 (53.3%) | 43 (21.7%) | 5. | The practice of totemic kinship with gorillas is not good | 100 (50.5%) | 55 (27.8%) | 43 (21.7%) | 6. | Lets protect gorillas to save animal totem owners | 80 (40.4%) | 83 (41.9%) | 35 (17.7%) |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The perception of totemic kinship practice with gorillas among respondents is shown in Table 11. About (48.5%, n=96) of respondents “agreed” with the statement that “gorillas are used by local people as totem animals”, while (24.7%, n=49) were neutral. Although gorillas were the main focus of these totemic kinship beliefs, some respondents also mentioned the use of elephants, chimpanzees, monkeys, leopards, brush-tailed porcupines, and owls as animal totems.
The belief that Traditional healers use gorilla totem animals to harvest medicinal plants was prevalent in the study area as (51.0%, n=101) agreed to the claim while (18.7%, n=37) remained neutral.
The belief that if a gorilla is shot and killed, the totem owner will also die was popular as (45.5%, n=90) agreed and (23.2%, n=46) remained neutral. A respondent in Ukwa II told a story of hunters who shot and killed a gorilla, and afterward discovered that a person from the village, had died as a result of the death of his totemic counterpart because he does not seek immediate traditional attention.
Responses to the statement that children should be encouraged to have gorillas as totem animals revealed that (53.3%, n=105) of respondents said they may not encourage their children to practice totemic kinship with gorillas while (21.7, n=43) were neutral. According to one of the respondents, children should not be encouraged to practice totemic kinship with gorillas not because the practice is bad, but because “children are more careless and will unknowingly expose themselves to hunters if they take up the practice”
To further explain the forgoing, responses to the statement “the practice of totemic kinship with gorillas is not good” revealed that (50.5%, n=100) of respondents agreed while (21.7%, n=43) remained neutral, the difference in response between men and women was not significant (Pearson χ² = 0.755, p<0.05, df = 2).
Majority of the respondents (40.4%, n=80) agreed that gorillas should be protected so as to protect people using gorillas as a totem animal. While (17.7%, 35) had no idea.
4.1.4 Local Taboo against Hunting Gorillas Table 12: Awareness of Local Taboos against Hunting and Eating Gorillas | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 108 | 54.5 | | No | 44 | 22.2 | | No idea | 46 | 23.2 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The awareness of local taboos against hunting and eating gorillas is presented in Table 4.11. Majority (54.5%, n=108) of the respondents were aware of the existence of taboos against hunting and eating gorillas in their village; while (22.2%, n=44) were not aware of the existence of local taboo against hunting and eating gorillas in their village.

Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on the implications of hunting and eating gorilla are shown in Fig. 1. All the respondents are aware of the implication of hunting and eating of gorillas in their village. Majority (59%) of the respondents agreed that defaulters of the taboo are forced to pay a fine; while 1% reports that defaulters are banned from taking part in communal functions.

Table 13: Duration of time the taboo has been in place in the study area | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Less than 5 years | 26 | 13.1 | | 5-10 years | 37 | 18.7 | | 11-20 years | 57 | 28.8 | | Before I was born | 57 | 28.8 | | No idea | 21 | 10.6 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016

The length of time the taboos against hunting and eating of gorilla has been in place in the study area is shown in Table 13. In the course of the survey, (28.8%, n=57) of the respondents agreed that the local taboo against hunting and eating of gorilla has been in place since their birth, another (28.8%, n=57) reports that the taboo has been in existence for over 11-20 years, while (10.6%, n=21) had no idea. This implies that the taboo has long been in existence considering the Percentage that agrees that the taboo has been in place before their birth and those that agree that the taboo has been in place for 11-20 years.

Table 14: Opinion on if the taboos against eating and hunting of gorillas are respected | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 118 | 59.6 | | No | 50 | 25.3 | | No idea | 30 | 15.2 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The results on the opinion on if local taboos against eating and hunting gorillas are respected are presented in Table 14. Majority (59.6%, n=118) of the respondents agreed that the taboos are still respected; while (15.2%, n=30) had no idea.

4.1.5 Hunting Gorillas Table 15: Response to whether gorillas are been hunted in the study area. | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 58 | 29.2 | | No | 140 | 70.8 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on whether gorillas are still hunted are presented in Table 15. Majority (70.8%, n=140) of the respondents disagree to the claim that gorillas are still hunt in the area while (29.2%, n=58) of the respondents agree to the claim.

Fig. 4: Reasons for not Hunting Gorillas as reported by some Hunters in seven villages of Okwangwo Division of Cross River National Park. January, 2016.

Source: Field survey, 2016
The reasons for not hunting gorillas are shown in Fig. 2. The most common reason revealed during the survey was wildlife laws (26.3%, n=52) followed by local traditional beliefs and taboos related to gorillas (25.3%, n= 50). While (7.6%, n=15) report that there is no market for gorilla meat.

4.1.6 Gorillas and Traditional Medicine

Table 16: Response on if gorilla parts are used as traditional medicine | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 116 | 58.6 | | No | 37 | 18.7 | | No idea | 45 | 22.7 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on whether gorilla parts are used as traditional medicine is presented in Table 16. Most (58.6%, n=116) of the respondents agrees to the claim that gorilla body parts are used as traditional medicine; while (22.7%, n=45) had no idea. Comparing this response against the age of the respondents was not significant (Pearson χ² = 0.183, p<0.05, df = 6). I.e. the knowledge that Gorilla parts are used as traditional medicine does not increase with age.

Table 17: Parts of Gorilla used for Traditional Medicine | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Skull | 56 | 28.3 | | Bones | 66 | 33.3 | | Hairs | 28 | 14.1 | | Heart | 3 | 1.5 | | Dung | 45 | 22.7 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
The parts of gorilla used for traditional medicine is shown in Table 17. When asked what parts of gorillas were used for medicine? (33.3%, n=66) cited bones while (1.5%, n=3) cited heart.

Table 18: Illness Cured using Gorilla Parts | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Rheumatism | 65 | 32.8 | | Bone fracture | 84 | 42.4 | | Mental disorder | 17 | 8.6 | | Impotence | 32 | 16.2 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on illness cured using gorilla parts is presented in Table 18. Most (42.2%, n=84) of the respondents considered bone fractures to be the main diseases curable by medicine with some form of gorilla ingredient while (16.2%, n=32) considered impotence. There also existed a strong perception that the bones of gorillas are very useful as an antibiotic to make children strong.

4.1.7 Conservation of Gorillas Table 19: How traditional beliefs control human behaviour on gorilla conservation | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 112 | 56.6 | | No | 47 | 23.7 | | No idea | 39 | 19.7 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on how traditional beliefs controls human behaviour on gorilla conservation is shown in Table 19. The survey explores the knowledge of respondents and 56.6%, n=112 agree to the claim that traditional beliefs controls human behavior to gorilla conservation while 19.7% had no idea.

Table 20: Local Taboos as Important Tools in Gorilla Conservation | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 102 | 51.5 | | No | 46 | 23.2 | | No idea | 50 | 25.3 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Table 20 shows how local taboos are important in gorilla conservation. Majority (51.5%, n=102) of the respondents confessed that local taboos are important tools in gorilla conservation while (25.3%, n=50) had no idea.

Table 21: Opinion on if Gorillas should be Protected | Response | Frequency | Percent (%) | | Yes | 114 | 57.5 | | No | 50 | 25.3 | | No idea | 34 | 17.2 | | Total | 198 | 100.0 |
Source: Field survey, 2016
Results on the opinion on if gorillas should be protected are given in Table 20. The majority (57.5%, n=114) of respondents said they support gorilla conservation while (17.2%, n=34) had no idea. On the other hand, people who did not support gorilla conservation mentioned crop raiding and gorillas’ hostility to humans as reasons.

4.1.8: Perception on how Traditional Beliefs and Practices impact on the Conservation of the Cross River Gorilla in the study area.

Table 22: Mean Score of Responses on Perception of Traditional Beliefs and the Conservation of Cross River Gorilla in the study area. S/N | STATEMENT | MEAN SCORE | REMARK | a. | Gorillas are totem animals | 3.6 | AGREE | b. | I want the next generation to also see gorillas | 4.0 | AGREE | c. | Gorillas are important for medicine | 3.4 | AGREE | d. | Gorilla visitors will bring development to our village | 4.2 | AGREE | e. | Gorillas are important to the forest ecosystem | 3.9 | AGREE | f. | Gorillas are similar to humans | 3.9 | AGREE | g. | We need more gorillas in the future for hunting | 2.7 | DISAGREE | h. | Gorillas are dangerous and can kill humans | 2.8 | DISAGREE | i. | Gorillas raid crops | 2.8 | DISAGREE | j. | Totemic practice is not good | 3.2 | AGREE |
Source: Field survey, 2016
How traditional beliefs and practices impact on the conservation of the cross river gorilla in the study area is presented in Table 22. The study reveals that respondents agree (with a mean score of 3.6) that gorilla are totems of village people and that they want the next generation to also see gorillas (with a mean score of 4.0) this agreement is due to the sensitization campaign carried by some wildlife conservation organizations in the area. It was generally agreed by the respondents that gorillas are important for medicine (with a mean score of 3.4) and that gorilla visitors will bring development to their village (with a mean score of 4.2). The respondents also agreed that gorillas are important to the ecosystem (with a mean score of 3.9) and that gorillas are similar to humans. (With a mean score of 3.9)The respondents disagree to the statement that they need more gorilla in the future for hunting (mean score of 2.7). The respondents do not agree to the claim that gorillas are dangerous and can kill humans (with a mean score of 2.8). The respondents also disagree that gorillas raid their crops (with a mean score of 2.8). Finally, the respondents agree that totemic practice is not good (with a mean score of 3.2) since the present generation lack knowledge on the practice and will expose themselves to hunters if they are initiated. 4.2 Discussion 4.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents
From results obtained, majority of the respondents were male, married adults with tertiary qualifications who are mostly engaged in farming activities and have stayed in the community for more than twenty-one years. This means that there are responsible and are knowledgeable about the traditional beliefs and practices associated with cross river gorillas in the study area.

4.2.2 Traditional Beliefs and Practices Associated with Cross River Gorillas in the Study Area.

Most respondents are aware of the presence of gorilla in the forest around their village. Majority could describe a gorilla as a gorilla as a large black and hairy animal, with a black face; no tail; that walked on four limbs; and upright occasionally. The extent to which the human–gorilla totemic association was emphasized throughout the study area revealed its importance to the people’s cultural and religious values. Most respondents believe that if the totem gorilla is killed, the human counterpart also dies unless he/she seeks immediate disconnection from the soul of the deceased totem by treatment from a traditional healer. Majority of the respondents have the belief that traditional healers use gorilla totem animals to harvest medicinal plants, It can be deduced therefore, that most hunters have the belief that killing a gorilla could imply killing a human and this agrees with (Schama, 1995) who reports that across cultures; there are cultural and spiritual values attached to biodiversity and that the cultural importance of biodiversity consists not just tangible goods and services, but intangible or non-material services and values as well. The cultural and spiritual values constitute an integral part of indigenous and local people’s cosmovision and play a major role in shaping their environmental perceptions.
Majority of the respondents even after acknowledging the existence of totemic association between humans and gorillas and supporting the protection of gorillas in order to protect these people, did not think that these practices should be encouraged in the future. According to one of the respondents, children should not be encouraged to practice totemic kinship with gorillas not because the practice is bad, but because “children are more careless and will unknowingly expose themselves to hunters if they take up the practice”. From the result it was revealed that active hunting and eating of the gorillas are avoided; traditional beliefs are fading and, if not revived, could disappear, with potential consequences for the survival of the species. When confronted with these circumstances, it is easy for conservationists to ignore local belief systems and stick to more contemporary systems, as it can be argued that traditional belief are losing ground and incorporating them into conservation strategy is meaningless as the beliefs will eventually disappear. Thus, the loss of traditional knowledge concerning wildlife in the study area is common. This could have negative consequences for CRG conservation; Reviving and incorporating local traditions that respect and protect gorillas into modern-day conservation strategies could not only help conserve the species, but also the traditional culture of the Eastern Boki communities. In local contexts where cultural perceptions and traditions toward gorillas tend to be positive, using traditional knowledge to promote positive attitudes and behavior is an approach that has the potential to stimulate gorilla conservation in communities this agree with the studies of Lingard et al. (2003), Schachenmann (2006), Tengo et al. (2007), Jones et al. (2008) and Rabearivony et al. (2008) who reported that relevance of taboos and cultural laws in the continued existence of forest biodiversity. 4.2.3 Assessment on How Traditional Beliefs Affect the Hunting of Gorillas for Meat, and Traditional Medicine.

The survey reveals that the Cross River Gorilla has been hunted heavily for meat and traditional medicine in the past and this conforms with (Bergl, 2006) who reports that The Cross River Gorilla has been hunted heavily in the past and, although hunting seems to have subsided, any minimal level of off-take could be detrimental to the survival of the remaining population
From the survey it was revealed that gorilla parts are used as traditional medicine and cultural fetishes this agree with the reports of Critchley (1968) and Kaltenborn et al. (2005) that apes (gorillas and chimpanzees) are used in traditional medicine and as fetishes. Even today, those who own bones or skulls of these animals are respected traditionally, and in some cases, are given chieftaincy positions within community social structures.
The study also revealed that wildlife laws are the major reasons why hunters do not hunt gorillas due to the enlightenment campaigns and conservation education carried out by some NGO’s like The Okwangwo Conservation Society (TOCS) and Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) this contradicts (McFarland, 2007) who reported that the enforcement of wildlife law is inadequate in the protection of gorillas. However, not all practices associated with gorillas at Okwangwo Division of Cross River National Park can be linked to a positive conservation function. For example, gorilla parts are still used in traditional medicine. Even though the practice is declining, and a single bone might be used for many decades before replacing, the population of the CRG is so small that the loss of a single animal could have serious consequences on the genetic survival of the sub species (Bergl 2006). The use of gorilla skulls as fetishes is practiced in this area even though it has been reported in neighboring CRG sites that gorilla skulls are not used as fetishes (Denis et al., 2011). This implies that the prolonged presence of research projects at the study area over the past 10 years, coupled with conservation education activities and increased law enforcement, have undoubtedly helped to reduce gorilla hunting. 4.2.4 The Perception on How Traditional Beliefs and Practices impact on the Conservation of the Cross River Gorilla in the Study Area.

Villages around the gorilla habitats still appear to recognize and respect traditional beliefs regarding gorillas. This agrees with (Rose et al., 2003) who reported that traditional knowledge in the form of local taboos that restrict or regulate the exploitation of wildlife is thought to have contributed significantly to preventing the extinction of some wild primates. However, interest and support of such traditional cultures is disappearing fast as these villages become more globalized. This also agree with Hens (2006) who reported that present indicators show that traditional practices are generally on the decline in most parts of Africa due to changes in the belief systems of people with regard to the spread of new influences (e.g., Christian sects).
There is awareness of local taboos against hunting and eating gorillas. These local taboos are still respected and effective in the study area as a result help in keeping-off the local dwellers from exploiting these critically endangered species as all defaulter are being forced to pay a fine. This conforms with the records of effective use of traditional norms and taboos in wildlife conservation by Gadil et al. (1993); Horowitz (1998); Berkes et al. (2000); Colding and Folke, (2001); Berkes (2003); Beckes (2003); Becker and Ghimire, (2003); Moller et al., (2004); Peterson et al., (2007); Mwihomeke et al., (1998); Kweka, (2004); Kideghesho, (2008); Kassilly and Tsingalia, (2009).
Traditional beliefs against hunting and eating gorilla are still respected in the study area and therefore, integrating them into conservation strategies is vital to the day-to-day survival of the species they protect. This is in agreement with many studies by Lingard et al. (2003); Schachenmann (2006); Tengo et al. (2007); Jones et al. (2008) and Rabearivony et al. (2008) who reported the relevance of taboos and cultural laws in the continued existence of forest biodiversity.

CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusion
The study showed that most of the respondents are aware of the presence of gorillas in the forest around their village and majority of them could describe a gorilla as a large black and hairy animal, with a black face; no tail; that walked on four limbs and upright occasionally. The belief that the people of the study area use gorillas as totem animals especially by traditional healers to harvest medicinal plants is predominant in the study area. Most respondents believe that if a totem gorilla is killed, the human counterpart also dies unless he/she seeks immediate disconnection from the soul of the deceased totem by treatment from a traditional healer; this is a major reason why most hunters do not hunt gorillas. After acknowledging the existence of totemic association between humans and gorillas and supporting the protection of gorillas in order to protect the people who use gorilla totem, they do not think that these practices should be encouraged in the future as they claim that children are more careless and will unknowingly expose themselves to hunters if they take up the practice.
The study revealed that most of the respondents want the next generation to see gorillas. This can be achieved through local taboos and the sensitization, conservation education given them by The Okwangwo Conservation Society (TOCS) and Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS). Most respondents have a positive perception that gorilla visitors will bring development to their villages.
The study also showed that the Cross River gorilla has been hunted heavily for meat and traditional medicine in the past but such activities have reduced now due to some local taboos and sensitization campaigns carried out by some wildlife conservation organizations in the study area. However, the traditional beliefs are fading and, if not revived, could disappear, with potential consequences for the survival of the species. The implication of killing or hunting gorilla is to pay a fine as directed by the council of elders. Gorilla parts such as bone are still used in the study area as ingredients for traditional medicine but the source of the bone are claimed to be handed over to them from their forefathers. The major illness cured by the traditional medicine prepared with gorilla bone as ingredient was bone fracture which most respondents claim cannot be cured in the hospital and as a result, agree that gorilla gorillas are important for medicine.
5.2 Recommendations

On the basis of the conclusions drawn, the following recommendations are made: * New and holistic wildlife conservation policies that blend indigenous knowledge of regulation, myths, rituals, and perception with existing administrative legislation are recommended to enhance conservation programs in the study area. * In raising awareness about the need to conserve gorillas in the study area, traditional channels of knowledge transmission should be used to make the conservation message more acceptable locally. For example, elderly people should be encouraged to narrate folk tales to younger people about gorillas and teach youth of their historical relationship with the species and help generate passion for the species. * Since effective taboos and other traditional wildlife enforcement mechanisms are in place in the study area, they should be integrated into the wildlife law. Traditional councils need to be partners in successful wildlife management efforts in remote areas. The inclusion of the taboo system that encourages protection into wildlife management not only helps to protect the species in question but also protect the knowledge from disappearing. * Greater collaboration between conservationist/wildlife managers and traditional institutions (e.g., village councils) responsible for regulating and enforcing taboos should be a core priority of conservation efforts aimed at gorillas. * Folk tales that warn listeners of the potential mystical consequences of attempting to hunt gorillas as well as other stories that portray the human-like, gentle, and understanding nature of gorillas that potentially motivate more people to adopt personal use restrictions of wildlife species should be propagated to a wider audience through the enlightenment campaigns.

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APPENDIX 1: SAMPLE QUESTIONNAIRE

Department of Forestry and Wildlife Management,
Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry,
Cross River University of Technology,
Cross River State, Nigeria.

Date:…………………………..

Sir / Madam This is a ‘questionnaire’ for a research on Indigenous Knowledge in the Conservation of Cross River Gorilla: A case Study of Okwangwo divison of Cross River National Park. The aim is to identify traditional beliefs and practices associated with gorillas, access the importance and limits of integrating these beliefs and practices in the gorilla conservation strategies, based on which suggestions will be made accordingly. Your community is among those selected for the research. Your response will assist in meeting the aims of the research and is therefore requested. While I ask for your response to the items on the questionnaire, I promise that information supplied will be kept confidential, and will be used for the purpose of the research only.
Thank you.

Yours sincerely
Bassey, Peter Williams

INSTRUCTION: In some cases you are to indicate your response by TICKING from given options, and in some other cases you are to STATE your response.

SECTION A: (DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS) 1. Village of respondent: ……………………………………………………………. 2. Sex of respondent: a. M [ ] b. F [ ] 3. Age of respondent: a. 18-25 [ ] b. 26-35 [ ] c. 36-45 [ ]
d. 46 and above [ ] 4. Marital status: a. Single [ ] b. Married [ ] c. Divorced [ ] d. Widow [ ]
e. Widower [ ] 5. Level of education: a. No formal education [ ] b. Primary education[ ]
c. Secondary education [ ] d. Tertiary education [ ] 6. Main occupation: a. Farming [ ] b. Fishing [ ] c. Hunting [ ]
d. Trading [ ] e. Civil service [ ] f. others {specify}……………………. 7. Length of time of stay in the village: a. less than 5yrs [ ] b. 5-10yrs [ ] c. 11-20yrs [ ] d. 21yrs and above [ ]
SECTION B: (PEOPLES KNOWLEDGE, TRADITIONAL BELIEFS AND PRACTICES ASSOCIATED WITH CROSS RIVER GORILLAS IN THE STUDY AREA) 8. Have you seen gorilla before? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] 9. Are gorillas present in the forest around your village? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ]
c. No idea [ ] 10. Gorillas are large, black, hairy animals with black face, without tail and could walk on four limbs or upright occasionally? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 11. What is the local name of gorilla? ........................................................................... 12. Do you fear gorillas? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] 13. If yes to question 13, what are your reasons for fearing gorillas? a. The physical appearance of gorillas [ ] b. the superstitious beliefs attached to gorillas [ ] c. gorillas are used as totems [ ] d. others {specify}……………………. 14. Are gorillas’ totems of people in your area? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 15. Do herbalists use gorilla totems to harvest medicinal plants? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ]
c. No idea [ ] 16. Do you agree to the claim that when a gorilla is killed the totem owner dies? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 17. Are gorilla parts popularly used as cultural artifacts and trophies? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ]
SECTION C: (HOW GORILLA TABOO AFFECTS THE HUNTING OF GORILLAS FOR MEAT AND TRADITIONAL MEDICINE) 18. Do you hunt gorillas? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] 19. How many gorillas have you killed since you started hunting gorillas? a. less than 5 [ ] b. 5-10 [ ] c. 11-20 [ ] d. None [ ] 20. What are your reasons for hunting gorillas? a. Food [ ] b. Medicine [ ] c. Income [ ]
d. all of the above [ ] e. No idea [ ] 21. What are the possible reasons for not hunting gorillas? a. Belief/taboo [ ]
b. Hunting difficulty [ ] c. scarcity of the animal [ ] d. Afraid of the animal [ ]
e. wildlife laws [ ] f. no market for the meat [ ] g. no idea [ ] 22. Do you eat gorillas? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] 23. If yes to question 23, why do you eat gorilla? a. the protein content is high [ ]
b. the meat is cheap [ ] c. the meat is palatable to taste [ ] d. others specify…………………………………………………………………………………………. 24. What are your reasons for not eating gorillas? a. their morphological similarities with humans
[ ] b. gorillas are used as totem animals [ ] c. women of child bearing age will give birth to gorilla-like babies if they eat gorillas [ ] 25. Do you know of any local taboo against hunting/eating gorilla? A. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 26. What is the implication of hunting/eating gorilla in your village? a. banishment from the village [ ] b. falling ill / Instant death [ ] c. ban from taking part in communal functions [ ] d. force to perform rituals [ ] e. Pay a fine [ ] 27. For how long has this taboo been in place to your knowledge? a. less than 5yrs [ ]
b. 5-10 years [ ] c. 11-20 years [ ] d. before I was born [ ] e. No idea [ ] 28. In your opinion are these taboos respected? A. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 29. In your knowledge are any parts of gorillas used for medicine? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ]
c. no idea [ ] 30. If yes to question 30, what part of gorilla is/are used for medicine? a. Skulls [ ]
b. bones [ ] c. hairs [ ] d. heart [ ] e. Dung [ ] f. No idea [ ] 31. What are the illnesses cured using these parts? a. Rheumatism [ ] b. bone fracture [ ]
c. mental disorder [ ] d. Impotence [ ] e. others (specify)…………………… 32. Can these same diseases be cured in the hospital? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. no idea [ ] 33. To what extent are these medicines used today compared to the past? a. Actively [ ]
b. inactive [ ] c. no idea [ ] 34. In your opinion will gorilla-related medicine be used in the future? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ]
c. No idea [ ]
SECTION D: (TRADITIONAL BELIEFS AND PERCEPTION OF THE TO THE CONSERVATION OF CROSS RIVER GORILLA IN THE STUDY AREA) 35. What is your opinion on the claim that protecting gorillas help protect people who use gorillas as totems? A. Agree [ ] b. Disagree [ ] c. No idea [ ] 36. In your opinion, should we encourage/initiate our children to have/use gorilla as totems? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 37. Do traditional beliefs and practices control human behaviors to gorilla conservation? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 38. Are local taboos and regulations important tools in gorilla conservation?
a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 39. Is the practice of kinship with gorillas good? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ] 40. In your opinion should gorillas be protected? a. Yes [ ] b. No [ ] c. No idea [ ]

41. Against each statement below there are five (5) options, tick the one that best expresses your feelings to the statement made S/N | STATEMENT | SA | A | U | D | SD | a. | Gorillas are totem animals | | | | | | b. | I want the next generation to also see gorillas | | | | | | c. | Gorillas are important for medicine | | | | | | d. | Gorilla visitors will bring development to our village | | | | | | e. | Gorillas are important to the forest ecosystem | | | | | | f. | Gorillas are similar to humans | | | | | | g. | We need more gorillas in the future for hunting | | | | | | h. | Gorillas are dangerous and can kill humans | | | | | | i. | Gorillas raid crops | | | | | | j. | Totemic practice is not good | | | | | |

APPENDIX 2 S/N | STATEMENT | SA | A | U | D | SD | MEAN SCORE | RMK | a. | Gorillas are totem animals | 73 | 46 | 30 | 18 | 31 | 3.6 | AGREE | b. | I want the next generation to also see gorillas | 99 | 41 | 27 | 19 | 12 | 4.0 | AGREE | c. | Gorillas are important for medicine | 60 | 50 | 28 | 33 | 27 | 3.4 | AGREE | d. | Gorilla visitors will bring development to our village | 110 | 51 | 26 | 3 | 8 | 4.2 | AGREE | e. | Gorillas are important to the forest ecosystem | 86 | 42 | 46 | 9 | 15 | 3.9 | AGREE | f. | Gorillas are similar to humans | 76 | 62 | 33 | 19 | 8 | 3.9 | AGREE | g. | We need more gorillas in the future for hunting | 7 | 64 | 45 | 36 | 46 | 2.7 | DISAGREE | h. | Gorillas are dangerous and can kill humans | 44 | 30 | 69 | 31 | 24 | 2.8 | DISAGREE | i. | Gorillas raid crops | 38 | 39 | 71 | 24 | 26 | 2.8 | DISAGREE | j. | Totemic practice is not good and totem animals should be killed. | 30 | 23 | 64 | 33 | 48 | 3.2 | AGREE |

Mean score = ∑ each rating X Number of Respondents
Total number of Respondents

Mean score less than 3.0 = Disagree
Mean score greater than or equal to 3.0 = Disagree